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Standard Works printed and published by the London Printing and Publishing Company,

Bluecoat Buildings, Christ's Hospital, London; and 55, Dey Street, New York.

Imperial Illustrated National Histories.

Dedicated by Special Authority to Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen.

Now Publishing, in 72 Parts at 18., 24 at 38., and 12 Divisions, handsomely bound, at 78. 6d., and 6 at 148.,

THE BRITISH COLONIES;

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA;

FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE DEATH OF PRESIDENT TAYLOR.

Comprising their Political and Biographical History; Natural Productions, Manufactures, and Commerce;
Laws, Manners, Customs, and Religion; including all the information necessary for Emigrants of
every Class; with a Topographical Description of each State.

EDITED BY JOHN HOWARD HINTON, A.M.
Assisted by several literary gentlemen in America and England.

Illustrated with Maps, and views of the principal Buildings and Scenery, drawn on the spot expressly for this Work,
and beautifully engraved on Steel; also a fine portrait of "Washington," after Stuart; "The Declaration
of Independence," after Trumbull; and "Penn's Treaty with the Indians," after West.

The Seat of War!-Maps of Russia and Turkey-Comprising the Principalities
of Wallachia and Moldavia.

Now Publishing, on the 1st and 15th of every Month, in Parts at le. and 3s. each, the

ATLAS,

SEATS OF INDUSTRY,

AND SOURCES OF WEALTH OF ALL NATIONS.
Comprised in a series of Maps of every Country, Plans of the Principal Cities and Towns of Great
Britain, drawn and engraved from the most recent Government Surveys, by J. Rapkin, with Letter-
press descriptions, and an Alphabetical Index-Gazetteer of the World.

BY R. MONTGOMERY MARTIN, ESQ.
Author of the "History of the British Colonies," "Australia," &c. &c.

THE PRESENT EXPEDITION

AGAINST

RUSSIAN AGGRESSION IN
IN THE

INTRODUCTORY REFLECTIONS.

"Before mine eyes thou hast set, and in mine ear
Vented much policy, and projects deep

Of enemies, of aids, battles and leagues."-Paradise Regained.

THE EAST.

THE English nation has entered upon a struggle of paramount importance and of peculiar interest. After nearly forty years of repose it has engaged in a war which involves the peace of Europe. But the question is of still larger import; for if the interest of Europe is bound up in it, the destinies and future condition of Asia actually depend upon it. The power of Russia, growing with a startling rapidity, and ever exercised in the support of conquest and despotism, has excited the greatest apprehensions in the cabinets of Europe. Russia is essentially a military power, and aggression on the territory of its neighbours is almost coeval with its history as a nation: the designs of its rulers upon the possessions of the Ottoman, have descended from one sove-encroachments of the czar, and forbid his

reign to another as a sort of political heirloom. The conquest of Turkey, by fraud or force, or by a combination of both, was a matter never to be lost sight of, until opportunity should serve for its accomplishment.

Barbaric Russia, with its enormous territorial possessions both in Europe and in Asia, and its rapidly-increasing population, is already a dangerous neighbour. Divided Poland fell before it. Its ambitious emperor is intoxicated by the possession of unlimited power in his own dominions, and entertains the Napoleonic dream of universal empire. What would Russia be, if her arrogant despot succeeded in acquiring another territory, almost as large, and infinitely more fertile and productive than his own? If he became lord of the East, would the freedom of the West long repose in security? With Turkey in his grasp, the independence of Austria and Prussia would have cause to tremble. Not only would the balance of power between the great European states be destroyed, but

VOL. IV.

B

the liberties of nations might be torn up by the roots, or washed away in crimson seas of blood. The prospect, however remote, is an awful one. In the judgment of those statesmen, to whom the English people have entrusted the guidance of their affairs, and the support of their national honour and freedom, there is but one alternative: a solemn one, it is true,-an alternative which taxes the endurance and self-denial of Englishmen, and which may lead to a sad loss of life and treasure on the one hand, or national humiliation on the other. In a word-wAR, or submission to a barbarous power, and the possibility of beholding the liberties of Europe trodden beneath the feet of the Cossacks. Unless we raise a hand of iron against the

progress with the thunder of our cannon, another generation may behold the sight we have alluded to. His power, made stronger by success, and bolder by conquest, may, to quote the language of our great republican poet,

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-be like a tree

Spreading and overshadowing all the earth;
Or as a stone that shall to pieces dash

All monarchies besides throughout the world." The question of the war is a complicated one. "Three centuries ago," said an able writer in the Edinburgh Review, "the first vow of Christian statesmen was the expulsion of the Turks from the city of Constantine, and the deliverance of Europe from the scourge and terror of the infidel. In the present age, the absorbing desire of the same cabinets is to maintain the misbelievers in their settlements; and to postpone, by all known expedients of diplomacy and menace, the hour at which the Crescent must again give place to the Cross." The reasons for

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