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The Political Hiftory of Europe for 1784 and 1785.

"I

(Continued from page 40.)

HAVE never called in queftion the right of my faithful Commons to offer me their advice on every proper occafion, touching the exercife of any branch of my prerogative. I shall be ready, at all times, to receive, and give it che molt attentive confideration: they will ever find me difposed to fhew my regard to the true principles of the conftitution, and to take fuch measures as may best conduce to the fatisfaction and prosperity of my people."

The confideration of the answer was deferred to the eighth of March, when the following reprefentation was ordered to be prefented to the King t

That an humble reprefentation be prefent ed to his Majefty, moft humbly to testify the Curprize and affliction of this Houfe on receiving the answer which his Majesty's Minifters have advised to the dutiful and reasonable addrefs of this Houfe, concerning one of the most important acts of his Majesty's government.

"To exprefs our concern, that when his Majefty's paternal goodness has graciously inclined his Majelty to be sensible of the advantage to be derived from such an administration as was pointed out in our resolution, his Majefty fhould still be induced to prefer the opinions of individuals to the repeated advice of the reprefentatives of his people in parliament affembled, with respect to the means of obtaining fo definable an end.

"To reprefent to his Majefty that a preference of this nature is as injurious to the true interefts of the crown, as it is wholly repugnant to the Spirit of our free conftitution, that Tyftems founded on fuch a preference are not in truth entirely new in this country; that they have been the characteristic features of those unfortunate reigns, the maxims of which are now jaftly and universally exploded; while his Majefty and his royal progenitors have been fixed in the hearts of their people, and have commanded the respect and admiration of all the nations of the earth, by a conftant and uniform attention to the advice of their Commons, however adverfe fach advice may have been to the opinions of the executive fervagis of the crown.

To affure his Majefly that we neither have disputed, nor mean, in any inttance, to dispute, much less to deny, his Majefty's undoubted pre rogative of appointing to the executive offices of ftate fach perions as to his Majesty's wildown fhall seem meet: but, at the fame time, that we muft, with all humility, again fubmit to his Majefty's royal wildom, that no administration, however legally appointed, can ferve his Majesty zad the public with effect which does not enjoy the confidence of this House: that in his Majcity's prefent administration we cannot confide: the circumstances under which it was conftituted, and the grounds upon which it continues, have created jutt suspicions in the breasts of his faith ful Common, that principles are adopted, and views entertained, unfriendly to the privileges of this Houfe, and to the freedom of our excellent conftitution; that we have made po charge against any of them, because it is their removal, Gent. Mag. Feb. 1798.

and not their punishment, which we have defired; and that we humbly conceive we are war. ranted, by the ancient ufage of this Houfe, to defire fuch removal without making any charge whatever; that confidence may be very prudently with-held, where no criminal procefs can be properly inflituted: that although we have made no criminal charge against any individual of his Majefty's Minifters, yet, with all humility, we do conceive, that we have tated to his Majesty very diftin&t objections, and very forcible reafons, against their continuance; that with regard to the propriety of admitting either the present Mi nifters, or any other perions, as a part of that extended and united administration, which his Majesty, in concurrence with the fentiments of this House, confiders as requifite; it is a point upon which we are too well acquainted with the bounds of our duty, to prefume to offer any advice to his Majefty; well knowing it to be the undoubted prerogative of his Majesty to appoint his Minifters without any previous advice from either house of parliament; and our duty humbly to offer to his Majelly our advice, when fuch appointments fhall appear to us to be preju dicial to the public fervice.

"To acknowledge, with gratitude, his Ma jefty's goodness, in not confidering the failure of his recent endeavours as a final bar to the accomplishment of the gracious purpose which bis Majesty has in view, and to exprefs the great concern and mortification with which we find ourselves obliged to declare, that the confolation which we fhould naturally have derived from his Majetty's most gracious difpofition, is confiderably abated by understanding that his Majesty's advifers have not thought fit to fuggeft to his Majefty any farther Reps to remove the difficulties which obftruct fo desirable an end.

"To recal to his Majesty's recollection, that his faithful Commons have already fubmitted to his Majesty, most humbly, but molt diftinctly, their opinion upon this fubje&; that they can have no interests but those of his Majefty and ot their conftituents; whereas it is needlels to fuggeft to his Majesty's wisdom and difcernment, that individual advifers may be actuated by very different motives.

"To express our most unfeigned gratitude for his Majelly's royal affurances that he does not call in queftion the right of this House to offer their advice to his Majesty on every proper occafion, touching the exercife of any branch of his royal prerogative, and of his Majetty's readiuefs, at all time, to receive fuch advice, and to give it the most attentive confideration.

To declare that we recognize in thefe gracious expreffions thote excellent and conftitutional lentiment, which we have ever been accuítomed to hear from the throne fince the glorious era of the revolution, and which have peculiar ly characterised bis Majefty, and the Princes of his illuftrious houfe; but to lament that thefe mest gracious expreffions, while they infpire us with additional affection and gratitude towards his Majefty's royal perton, do not a little contribute to increase our fufpicions of those men who have advised his Majefty, in direct contradiction to these atfurances, to neglect the advice of his Commons, and to retain in his service an admini

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tration, whofe continuance in office we have fo repeatedly and fo diftinctly condemned.

"To represent to his Majefty, that it has anciently been the practice of this Houfe to withhold fupplies until grievances were redrefled; and that if we were to follow this courfe in the prefent conjuncture, we should be warranted in our proceeding, as well by the moft approved precedents, as by the spirit of the conftitution ittelf; but if, in comideration of the very peculiar exigencies of the time, we fhould be induced to wave for the prefent the exercife, in this inftance, of our undoubted legal and conftitutional mode of obtaining redress, that we humbly implore his Majelly not to impute our forbearance to any want of fincerity in our com plaints, or diftruft in the juftice of our caufe.

"That we know, and are fure that the profperity of his Majefty's dominions in former times has been, under Divine Providence, owing to the harmony which has for near a century prevailed uninterruptedly between the crown and this houfe. That we are convinced that there is no way to extricate this country from its pie fent difficulties, but by pursuing the fame lyf tem to which we have been indebted at various periods of our biftory for our fucceffes abroad, and which is at all times fo neceffary for our tranquillity at home. That we feel the continuance of the present administration to be an innovation upon that happy system.

"That we cannot but expect, from their exiftence, under the displeasure of this Houle, every misfortune naturally incident to a weak and diftracted government; that if we had concealed from his Majefty our honeft fentiments upon this important crifis, we fhould have been in fome degree refponfible for the mifchiefs which are but too certain to enfue.

prefages of the event. To a conviction of the juftice and importance of the cause in which they were engaged, we are bound in candour to attri bute this fteadiness, in part; and fome fhare o it may probably be ascribed to a high rival fenf of honour in the feveral members of the coali tion, defirous of rescuing that measure from the odium of its being founded merely on felfish and interested defigns.

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"That we have done our duty to his Majef ty and our conftituents in pointing out the evil, and in humbly imploring redrefs: that the blame and refponfibility muft now lie wholly upon who have prefumed to advife his Majefty to act in contradiction to the uniform maxims which have hitherto governed the conduct of his Majefty, as well as every other prince of his illuttrious house; upon those who have dillegarded the opinions, and neglected the admonitions of the reprefentatives of his people, and who have thereby attempted to set up a new fyftem of executive admin ftration, which, wanting the confidence of this Houfe, and acting in defiance to our refolutions, muft prove at once inadequate, by its inefficiency, to the necessary objects of government, and danger us, by its example, to the liberues of the people."

This reprefentation was the laft effort made by oppofition, and was carried only by a majority of 191 to 190. If we confider all the circumftances of this extraordinary contest, it cannot but appear furprizing that fo few inftances should have happened of defection to the court party.The fixed determination that appeared early in the court to fupport the new adminiftration, at ali hazards; the terrors of a diffolution; a perfeverance in the minifter, infenfible to confequences; the violent prejudices entertained without doors, and the cautions and indecifive conduct of oppofition within, afforded no doubtful

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On the tenth of March the mutiny bill passed without a divifion.A general 10th March report new prevailed, that parliament was to be immediately diffolved.. -All the fupplies had been regularly voted, to the amount of near ten millions, but, with the exception of the land and malt tax bills, no money had been railed or appropriated to specific fervices. It was, however, contended, that the voting of the fupplies would be a sufficient juftification to the miniftry for issuing money for the necessary expenditure of government.On the other fide it was urged, that the Houfe having refolved that fuch iffuing of the public money would be fubverfive of the confticution, and an high crime and misdemeanor, no plea of neceffity could be available, fince the emergency would be wilfully created by thofe who fhould advile his Majefty to diffolve the parliament.The moft pointed perfonalities were addreffed to Mr. Pitt on this fubject, but in vain; he persevered in an abfolute refufal to difcufs the points at all; and on the 24th of March the parliament was prorogued, and the day following diffolved by proclamation.

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Claims of the Emperor upon Holland. Unfertunate fituation of the affairs of the Republic through the violence of parties and internal diffenfion. Continual attempts by the republican faction to abridge the Stadtholder's power, and attacks upon the Duke of Brunfawick. That prince refigns bis great offices, and quits the country. Interference of the King of Prussia in behalf of the Prince Stadtholder. France obtains an unbounded influence in the affairs of the Republic. Plenipotentiaries fent to Bruffels to accommodate the differences with the Emperor. Auftrian troops take poffeffion of Old Lillo, and commit other violations of the territorial rights of the Republic. France accepts the office of mediation between Holland and the Emperor. Difpute occafioned by a Flemish boatman on the Schelde. Emperor's ultimatum prefented at Bruffels Three new and extraordinary demands added to the former ultimatum. Apfearances of an immediate rupture at the commencement of the autumn 1784. Declaration by the Emperor's minifter, that the first shot fired upon ibe Schelde fhould be confidered as a declaration of war. Some account of the nature of the claims, and of the realons and arguments offered on both files; with a particular regard to the difpute relative to the Schelde. State of the claim upon Mafiricht. Imperial veffel fired at and flopped upon the Schelde. Imperial ambafador recalled from the Hague, and the conferences broken up at Bruffels. Preparati ons for war on both fides. Exertions of public

Spirit by individuals in Holland. States apply to France for a general: Count de Mailiebois deputed to that appointment. Endeavours to prevent er divert the form. French monarch expoftulates with the Emperor. Dyke broken by the Dutch near Lille, and the country laid under wa ter. Inflexibility of the Emperor with respect to the Schelde. Ruffia takes a decided part in favour of the Emperor's claims. Jealouly exci ted by the confederacy of these two great pow. ers. Political caufes which rendered it particularly incumbent on France and Pruffia to protect Holland. Prince Henry of Pruffia's wifit to the court of Versailles. Porte attentive to the flate of affairs in Europe, and in readiness to profit of any occafion of advantage which might be offered. Movements and preparations in France. General difpofition of that nation with respect to the war. Difadvantages to which the Emperor would be expofed in the prosecution of a war in the Low Countries. Doubtful and critical ftate of public affairs in Europe at the close of the year 1784.

HEN the affairs of his Eaftern neighbours

ble, as no limitation of time, or argument founded on prefcription, was likely to operate against fo powerful a claimant. Articles of forage, which had been fupplied by fome districts in the fuceeffion war, and the contributions which had been levied on others, were now brought forward asanding matters of account to be fettled and difharged; and, if we are, not mistaken, the wars even of the preceding century afforded fome prefent fubjects of demand. But of all the claims now fet up, that upon the city of Maftricht feemed to be the beft founded, and was by far the most diftreffing to Holland.

At the fame time, the affairs of the republic were in fo unfortunate a fituation, that they fcarcely could have failed, at any period of time, o any circumstances of neighbourhood, to have drawn upon it unexpected claims and extraordi nary demands. The termination of the war with England had only afforded a ceffation of immediate evil and danger to Holland; for the peace had neither reftored vigour or unanimity at home, nor reputation or importance abroad. On the contrary, their civil diffenfions were every day increafing in magnitude and virulence; fo that

Waforded no farther immediate scope to the there fcarcely feemed a hope of any remedy, that

exercife of the emperor's political activity on that fide, no time was loft in its direction to other more remote objects. The feizing or recovery of the Dutch barrier formed only an opening to what was farther intended on that fide; and through all the buftle and preparation of war that appeared on the Danube, the court of Bruffels ferved as a conftant monitor to the ftates of the United Provinces, in reminding them, that maBy other matters of ferious confideration remained fill to be fettled with that monarch.

Such a continual intermixture and Auctuation of limits as unavoidably took place through all the viciffitudes of peace and war, alliance and comity, that had formerly fo long prevailed between Spain and Holland, being farther involved and perplexed by the circumftances of the fucceffion war, by the new engagements contracted between the republic and the German branch of the house of Auftria, upon the lublequent transfer of territory, and by that fingular fort of mixed dominion which both retained for fo many years in the Netherlands, did neceffarily leave behind much open room for litigation; nor indeed could plaufible grounds for fetting up new claims, or for questioning the validity of old titles, ever be exhaufted in fuch circumftances. Independent, however, of these causes, artificial lim ts in confined countries, where small objects are of importance, must neceffarily be more fruitful of contention than those boundaries of nations which are thrown out upon a large fcale, and ftrongly marked by the hand of nature.

The emperor was, it might be faid, legally armed at all points upon this occafion. His affumption of being heir-general to all the rights, titles, or demands, which ever had, or might have been afferted by the Spanish branch of the house of Auftria, as well as by his own immediate line, together with his acting as reprefentative of the people of the different dittricts, which e poffeffed under the various titles of duke, count, or lord, furaifhed him with a number of diftinét claims, which were the more inexhaufti

would not at leaft prove as dangerous as the dif eafe. The protection and apparent fervices which they had received from France during the war, had thrown into the hands of that power an evident preponderaney in all the affairs of the republic; and that influence being unceasingly, though covertly exerted, in fupport of the old Loveftein, or republican faction, of which the French intereft in Holland, for the most part, and at most times confifted, and whofe members were the hereditary enemies of the ftadtholderian fyftem of government, as well as of the Orange family, it was now become fo ftrong, that no fufficient counterpoife remained in the ftate, to restrain the excels and violence incident to the predominance of political parties.

As a prelude and neceffary opening to the com. pletion of their designs in reducing the authority and abridging the prerogatives of the ftadtholder, this ariftocratic party (which, independent of foreign fupport, and however controuled or apparently reduced at particular period, ever retained no fmall degree of inherent power in the republic) had determined on the removal of the prince Louis, duke of Bruntwick Wolfenbuttle, and field marshal of the Dutch forces, who having been the ftadtholder's guardian and reprefen tative during his minority, had thereby long polfelfed the efficient powers of the ftate. The con fideration that the eminent pofts which he held were the rewards of long fervices and experienced ability, had little effect in controuling the aniInofity of his adverfaries; and though this prince had discharged all the high truft which had been repofed in him, in a manner which merited and had actually obtained the greatett public applaufe; yet, in feafons of jealoufy and fulpicion, the dif contents that accumulated in the long poffeffion of power, and the heats of popular diffenfion, quite overbore all opinions of past merits, and rendered fuperior capacity and ability rather objects of terror than of reverence or affection. The oppofite party had carried on a long war of public and private invective again!!

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and defigns, and did not fcruple openly to attribute to his counfels and influence with the ftadtholder, certain deep-laid and dangerous schemes, which, as they afferted, were formed for the fubverfion of the conflitution, and the establishment of a tyranny upon the ruins of the republic.

The duke had long endured, with admirable temper and magnanimity, a courte of unceasing reproach and abuse; Out finding that the prevalence of his enemies was becoming every day more decided, and that their inveteracy proceed ed to far as to hold him out to the public as the common enemy of the flate and country, he thought it wile or neceffary to give way to the torrent, as a means of allaying the public fever, and restoring tranquility to the ftadtholder's government, whole interests only connected him with the republic. The duke of Brunswick accordingly wrote a letter to the ftates general, in which, after fome short reference to the approbation which his conduct, during thirty-years fpent in their fervice, had heretofore, in feafons of peace and union, happily received, he reCurred to the continual troubles which he had experienced, and the numberless attacks which had been made upon him during the laft four years; thefe he affigned as the caule, together with the indifference to his injuries fhewn by the ftates themselves, in retuling to grant him that opportunity which he had frequently claimed, of publicly refuting thole charges and calumnies which had been raised against him, for his then refigning all the offices that he had held under the itate, and difcharging himself from all obligations and engagements of fidelity to the republic.

While the republic was thus depriving itfelf of the fecurity to be derived from thofe talents and experience on which it had fo long relied, its fituation became daily more critical with its neigh bour the king of Pruffia, who was naturally and politically its friend and protector. Exclufive of his near affinity with the prince fladtholder, it would have been entirely contrary to his views and interests, clotely connected as he was with them in all the relations of neighbourhood and alliance, that any confiderable revolution should take place in the actual conttitution of the repub lic, yet fuch was the impetuofity of the domineering party, that the reiterated remonstrances and powerful interference of that monarch feemed to have but little weight, whether in reftraining perfonal imputations on the ftadtholder, or political attempts on his authority.

violence of parties, and the collifion of jarring views and interefts accompanied by a series of unexpected and fingular events, but all tending to the fame conclufion, obtained an unbounded influence in the affairs of the republic, it identified their interefts fo much, that he was bound by every principle of policy to counteract the designs of others, and to afford her protection at whate ver rifque or expence. This was affording every thing that the ariftocratical party could with; the state would be protected from danger without, while they were at leifure to new model the internal government,

This peculiar fituation of affairs between France and Holland, did not feem in any degree to operate upon the conduct of the emperor, who, perhaps built more upon the friendship and closeness of alliance between him and France, than older politicians would have been inclined to do upon the faith of any national connection, when that faith was to be put to the tef by fuperior interefts and temptation. That prince, indeed, appeared to be to fecure of his objeЯ, that he feemed to depart, upon this occation, in some measure from his general character; and the court of Vienna was observed, in all its tranfac tions with the republic, to refume that high tone and peremptory haughtiness, which the prevalence of a cafte more conformable to the uncertain tenure of human power had brought into ditufe; but which had indeed characterised the house of Auftria, even in thole untoward seasons, in which haughtiness feemed famething more akin to magnanimity.

The Atates general finding themselves involved in demands of which they knew not the dire& airn nor full extent, thought it prudent to submit to neceffity; and, in a contest with so powerful an adve.lary, by giving up forms, to manifeft a conciliatory difputition; and, under theie impreffions, they lent two pleni potentiaries to Buffel, furnished August 21k with fuch powers as could yet appear neceffary for an amicable adjustment of all differences with that court.

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With thefe pacific difpoficions, fo fully displayed on their own fide, and in the very act of conceffion, it could not but excite their aftonishment and difmay, to find that the night after the arrival of their plenipotentiaries in that city, should have been cholen on the other, for the commission of an act of open violence and botility: for on that night, without previous declaration or notice, a fmall detachment of Auftrian foot, with tour In the mean time, the republican party were field pieces, entered the territories of the republic, every where forming military affociations, and, and took poffeffion of the fort of Old Lillo. under the term of volunteers, and the oftenfible true, indeed, that this was a place of little conmotives of public defence, were in ferious prepa- fequence or value, for that it had been fo entirely ration for a civil war, nor was the oppofite or neglected fince the conftruction of the fortress of Orange party, however inferior in power, if not New Lillo pear it, that i was not only without in number, at all deficient in point of violence artillery or gairilph, but the governor of the latand animolity. Thus lamentably torn to pieces, ter had converted the interior ground into a kitchand convulted in all its members, the circuinitan-en-garden. The feizing it, however, in this ces and condition of the republic could not, under any known difpenfation of things ainong ftate, but have attracted the views, and excited the coterprize of powerful and ambitious neighbours.

A dangerous refuge, however, rema.ned, and in this tuation was eagerly graped at; for France, having, as we bave seen, through the

manner, was no lefs a violation of territorial rght, than if it had been a place of greater importance; and it lecined the lets to be acc›unted for, that in a map of the Netherland, which had been conftructed so late as the year 1778, under the immediate orders of the court of Vienna, that

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The caufes of alarm did not reft here: for ia little more than a week after, when the negociations were actually commenced, and the Dutch minifters appeared evidently difpoled to give all reasonable satisfaction with refpect to the emperor's claims, a detachment of Auftrian dragoons advanced in like manner to a place called Hartog Eyk, near Heerle, where they demolifhed the barriers, pulled down the Dutch flag from the custom-house, and charged the receiver of that department, in the name of his imperial majesty, not to obey or execute any orders from the regency of Heerle, who were his legal and natural masters, nor to receive from any per fon whatever any money upon account or pretence of toll or duty; threatening, in cafe oi difobedience, to fend him bound hand and foot to the next Auftrian garrison,

Such violent proceedings, at such a season, and Bader fuch circumftances, certainly argued no friendly or conciliatory difpofitions on the part of the court of Bruffels, unless, indeed it could be fuppofed that they were merely intended to ac celerate the motions of the negociators, and to correct the conftitutional phlegm and habitual flownefs charged to their country, However that was, the states undoubtedly could not but forely feel the degraded circumstances of their fituation, and the deplorable change which a few years had produced in their affairs, as well as in their rank and character with other nations.

Thefe hoftile tranfactions occafioned an uni verfal alarm in Holland. Halty measures were adopted for fecuring the frontiers from inamediate danger, at least from any confiderable lof, impracticable as it was to preferve them entirely from insult. Such regiments of horse and foot as were next to hand were immediately difpatched to Mastricht, not only as a place of the fiift importance, but as an object known to be partice larly aimed at. Other troops were ordered from different quarters to reinforce thofe garrifons or posts which were most exposed, or deemed to be of greatest confequence. But even in this moment of difmay and apparent danger, when the public fafety might have depended fo much upon the celerity of movement and promptnefs of degn and action, the measures of defence were ebtracted by the difpuces between the ftates and the prince stadtholder, relative to the rights or Limits of the executive power. Such being the fatality of civil diffentions, that they frequently render the citizen obtuse and deaf to the most imminent public dangers,

The tates had previously folicited the French king, who was now their only refuge, for his friendly interpofition with his brother-in-law the emperor, in foftening his difpofition towards the republic, and for his accepting the office of mediator, in finally arranging and settling the difputed limits and frontiers, as well as the other matters of difference between them. As the part which France, notwithstanding her new сод nections with the republic, might purfue, in so delicate a conjuncture of circumstances and interte, afforded much room for doubt and apprehenfion, it could not but adminifter the highest fatisfaction to the states, when, under the deprefGion and alarm excited by these violences, the

duke de Vauguion, ambaffador from the court of Verfailles, communicated to them the welcome intelligence, that his master had frankly and readily accepted the defired office of mediation. It may well be fuppofed, that the defire of ef fectually fecuring the friendship of France, in this trying and critical fituation of their affairs, had no small effect in influencing the conduct of the ftates, with refpect to that sew treaty of close alliance and friendship between both powers, which feemed to be about that time commenced, and which being fuccesfully carried on through the course of their difputes with the emperor, was brought to a conclufion at their termination. Such a circomitance in private affairs might poffibly be confidered as ufing an undue influence with the umpire, nor is it entirely certain, that the fame opinion was not held on one fide upon this occafi›n. In the mean time the states uted their urmott endeavours to remove the icene of the negotiations for an accommodation from Bruffels to Vienna. But their applications for this purpose failed entirely of eff &: Prince Kaunitz, the imperial prime minifter, having declared that the emperor had entirely remitted his claims to the government of Bruffels, and to the conduct of the count Belgiojofo, his minifter in the Low Countries. This refusal was particularly untow ard; as, befides the immediate intereft which the government of the Netherlands had in tupporting and pushing all the emperor's demands to the utmost, the count Belgiojofo, fo far from fhewing any marks of an accommodating fpirit, was extremely harsh and peremptory in all his tranfactions with the republic.

It seems remarkable that the business of the Schelde, and of opening the port of Antwerp. which every body knew to be the great object which the emperor had in view in all these meafures, was entirely overlooked in that ftatement of claims and demands which had been presented to the flates by the imperial minifters. As an omiffion of fo much confequence could not poffibly be attributed to negligence or forgetruinets, it may be fuppofed it was intended, that that bu finefs fhould be confidered as a matter of such clear and evident right, that it could not be subjected to any difcuffion; and that it depended entirely on the emperor's will to fix the time which he might think proper for carrying the measure into execution.

It was possibly upon this principle, and perhape in part to encreafe the embarraflment and confternation of the ftates on finding themselves at once attacked on every fide, and on all points, without knowing where the claims would end, or what part of the differences would be fubmitted to negotiation, or otherwife, that fome short time before the tranfactions we have related had taken place, a Flemish boatman was employed to make an experiment on the Schelde, which feemed calculated for no other purpose than to bring the queftion on the free navigation of that river to an immediate issue.

Thi man having paffed the Dutch fort of Lillo, and a guardship stationed near it, on his way down the river from Antwerp, without notice, and consequently without that examination which he invited, in the morning, he returned the fame way in the afternoon, when the santain of the

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