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Earl Powis on this side, Prince Albert on that, | eration.
We cannot tell which we should fight for;
Shall we vote for the man who invented the
hat,

Or the man who defended the mitre ?

Then why, oh collegiate dons, do you run
Into all this Senate-house bother?
Can it be that the lad who invented the one
Has a share in dispensing the other?*

Much-loved Augustus Stafford, that frank, cordial, friendly nature, so sadly and harshly treated by those who should have judged all his acts in a more gen erous manner! Yes, he was somewhat vain, proud of his talents—and why not? Why should a woman not appreciate her beauty, and a man his intellectual superiority? Men of heart like to see the feelings of success and the glory of the triumph lightening the brow and brightening the eye, and one should sympathize with the language of Rahel to Ranke on the death of Gentz: "Therefore you cannot know how I for that very reason loved my lost friend when he said that he was so happy to feel his superiority to many others, and this with a little laugh of triumph. Wise enough to be silent is every transient distorted mind; but give me the self-betraying soul, the childlike simplicity of heart to speak it out."

Maga. All your college set were not given to politics, but I suppose you associated with men of all opinions and of all pursuits?

A. There was a great deal of 'sympa thetic sentiment at this date among the undergraduates. For instance, when the Earl of Dundonald (better known as Lord Cochrane, the hero of Basque Roads) paid a visit to Cambridge, he dined in the Hall of Trinity College, and when he entered the hall all the fellows and students stood up. This was remarkable; for the glorious exploit of Basque Roads occurred in 1809, but it still interested the rising gen

I

*Although it has no connection with this period, am tempted, while quoting graceful verse, to recall two at Lord Mansfield's, when all the library of Lord Chief stanzas by Cowper, written on the occasion of the fire Justice Murray was entirely destroyed:

"And Murray sighs o'er Pope, and Swift,
And many a treasure more,
The well-judged purchase, and the gift,
That graced his lettered store.

Their pages mangled, burnt, and torn,
The loss was his alone;

But ages yet to come shall mourn

The burning of his own.'

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Lord Cochrane's was quite a reputation to win the sympathy of the young and daring. Napoleon called him "le Loup des Mers," and always expressed astonishment at the treatment the great captain received. I remember Lord Dundonald saying, in no boasting spirit, for he was simplicity itself, "that he never knew what fear was." A near relative of the great Marquis of Anglesey told me that the marquis always made the same

remark.

We were very cosmopolitan in our college life; wine-parties, riding-parties, reading-parties, we took part in all, and pleasant they all were. Many an early ride to Newmarket, not for racing but for breakfast, and boating excursions to Ely. were never tired of visiting the cathedral, siastical churches in the land.

We

one of the most beautiful and oldest eccle

I do not intend to afflict you with a series of undergraduate reminiscences; but there occurred an incident indirectly associated with the Bishop of Ely which suggests an amusing and original mode of raising money. There was a rather popular, extravagant young fellow, well known and well liked in all sets, whose popularity He was the nephew of Mr. Mortlock, the led him frequently into financial crises. great Cambridge banker, and also of the Bishop of Ely. The relatives did all they could paid and paid until they would pay no more, and at last desired him to take his name off the boards. This he refused to do, but adopted an unusual expedient to have his debts paid. He hired an apple-stall and a small tent, placed bank, with the inscription in large letters them exactly opposite Mr. Mortlock's on the stall, "Fruit-stall kept by Mr. Mortlock, nephew of Messrs. Mortlock, Lord Bishop of Ely. No change given." bankers, and of the Right Reverend the He passed the day seated in the tent in a magnificent, velvet-lined cloak, books on the table; beside him there was a plate to receive donations, which poured in As there was room for two in the tent, sovereigns and half-sovereigns abounded. friends took it by turns to sit with him. Mr. Mortlock, the banker, could not move out or even appear at the windows without seeing a crowd, whose sympathies were all with the stall-keeper, and who enjoyed the joke immensely. The result was inevitable. He had to be bought off. How ever, he did not remain at college; the authorities found an early excuse to get rid of him.

Maga. I dare say you could fill a vol

ume with anecdotes of college life; but I feel more interest in the conduct of Young England in the House of Commons. Where did you sit? For there are no cross-benches in the Commons as in the Lords, where it is understood peers have places assigned for what Lord Rosebery called "cross-bench minds."

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thing more, standing as you do on the summit of fame, with, as I may say, all nations and languages at your feet, will you not use your power, like the prophet of old, to bless and not to curse the people?

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A similar appeal was made to Sir Robert Peel as to the use of his great power, in the following verses: Oh thou to whose plebeian brow The noblest lords are forced to bow, And e'en thy sovereign must avow,

must bring to its study qualities to which I have no pretension, — industry, philosophy, deep thought, perfect habits of business, unremitting self-denial. When my name shall be forgotten, or remembered only as a household word beloved by my children or descendants, you, sir, will be remembered, for you belong to history; A. No; but sitting below the gangway, you will ever be spoken of as the statesman it is understood you are open to convic of unsurpassed ability, as the consummate tions, and are not out-and-out ministerial-orator, the unrivalled debator, as one who ist. The Young Englanders were not achieved successes in a field of intense supposed to adopt a factious line; they competition. Will you not demand somesimply expressed in bright and vigorous language fresh political views, which they hoped to see adopted by the government, so they sat on the bench exactly behind the ministerial or leader of the opposition. It was not without anxiety Sir Robert Peel heard the voices of the new party, who clearly intended to be independent of the Tapers and Tadpoles of the government, and would not at word of command cheer his glowing utterances. They were the more important because the Times, as represented by Mr. Walter, adopted them, and honored their speeches with leading articles and panegyrics. The fact is, Sir Robert Peel was not popular in the House, and not even with the nation, for whom he made the greatest sacrifice, even that of consistency. When he arrived from Rome in 1835, he was at the zenith of his popularity and fame; it was something to have a whole nation hanging in suspense on the movements of one man, while the Duke of Wellington really filled ad interim every office in the State. It was then Sir Robert had that remarkable reception at Glasgow, when he was installed as lord rector of the university, and made two speeches, one as lord rector, and the other in reply to his health at the banquet, which have never been equalled, certainly never surpassed, by any succeeding lord rector. But if his speech was frank, free, and open, his manner was not so, and the result was that the great divisions in the lobbies

Knit votes which served with hearts abhorring
Peel.

And all this arose from his shyness, for
he was a kind friend, a true and honorable
man, of whom Mr. Raikes Currie (in one
of those admirable speeches frequently
delivered at the dinner-hour, which have
therefore won no applause, either within
or without the walls of the House) so
greatly and nobly expressed himself, when
he said, turning to Sir Robert, "He who
would enter on a great political career

Thy plenitude of power;
So high indeed thy name doth rise,
That men who love thee not nor prize,
Can with thy feelings sympathize

In this triumphant hour.
When high-born fools who would think it

shame

To bear thy father's honest name,
Now humbly beg to share the fame

And trophies of the war;
When 'neath the spur hot Stanley frets,
And, thankful for the post he gets,
The last of the Plantagenets

Walks fettered to thy car.

Oh! if thou couldst but understand,
How great to rule the noblest land
That mortal eye has ever scanned
Thou wouldst not stoop their aid to ask,
Since time its course began;
But doff the actor's hollow mask,
Rise equal to the mighty task,

Proclaim yourself a man.

Then thou wilt only place retain
To rid our commerce of its chain,
The bigot's folly to restrain,

And give the poor man bread;
And then perchance, content and free,
And in their gratitude decree
The people will thy guardians be,

A laurel for thy head.
But if with low and factious aim,
Thou playest the landlord's degenerate game,
No power on earth shall shield thy fame
No craft nor speech nor haughty pride
Shall turn the vengeful shaft aside,
The curse of talent misapplied

From Britain's darkest frown.

Alone shall drag thee down.

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And thou wilt leave to after-times
Dark records of blood and crimes,
And bards will tell in future rhymes,
Of one who, raised by fate
From out the people's ranks to be
The lord of England's sovereignty,
Fell far below his destiny,

And did not dare be great.

The orator and the poet were satisfied when in 1846 Sir Robert Peel proposed the repeal of the Corn Laws. It is need less to say what a blow this was to all his party. The consequence of this sudden change of policy extended far beyond the measure itself, for it was the commencement of the sad loss of confidence in public men. It was not, however, until six months afterwards that the division on the Irish Coercion Bill hurled the great minister from power. However much he was convinced of his own integrity of purpose, it cannot have been without deep emotion that on this memorable evening he saw the great country party pass into the opposition lobby. It was well said at the time that those who voted against him on that occasion "were men of honor, breeding, and refinement, of great weight and station in the country." They had been not only his followers but his friends, had joined in the same pastimes, drunk from the same cup, and in the pleasantness of private life had often forgotten together the cares and strife of politics. He must have felt the bitterness of fate, while the Manners, the Lowthers, the Bentincks, the Somersets, passed before him. Yes; these were the country gentlemen, the gentlemen of England, with whose cheers, but five years before, the very same building had been ringing whenever he rose; they were proud at having him for their leader. So they marched out, all the men of high character, and large-acred squires, whose spirit he had so often quickened, and whose council he had so often solicited in his eloquent speeches.

This occasion was the first difference of opinion in the Young England party. To some it seemed more desirable rather to continue to support a Conservative ministry, than to turn out Sir Robert Peel and let in the Whigs for the sake of a great principle, more especially when he could only be put into a minority by voting with the opposition. It was a very difficult position for young politicians to be placed in, the more so as not a few had very recently been speaking at agricultural meetings, and advocated the principle of protection in magniloquent periods. Many of the boroughs at that time embraced

large contiguous country districts-indeed, in not rare instances, the agricultural element predominated; but up to the last moment there was perfect confidence in the staunchness of Sir Robert to protection, and the voters had been gladdened with eloquent descriptions of golden crops and remunerative harvests, "of the bold peasantry, the country's pride." Nothing had been wanting to complete the picture of agricultural prosperity; now these visions had melted into air, and hereafter England was to depend on other countries for her food supplies. Those of our party who cared for men more than measures, resolved to consult the great man himself. Interviews with prime ministers are always solemn events, and it was not without nervousness that we went to Whitehall Gardens. But if we were nervous, Sir Robert Peel was much more so. No schoolboy could be more anxious than the great minister. While with one hand he fidgeted with his watch-chain and seals, with the other he played with papers which were lying on the table. Still, when once he began to explain the position, no words could be heartier, no expression of feeling nobler. He said his brother, Colonel Peel, found himself in the same difficulty. When Sir Robert was told that in some instances it was impossible conscientiously to retain the seat without re-elec tion, he made tempting offers to vacate on taking office, which were invariably declined. One of the elections consequent on these events was remarkable. The rival candidates were exactly equal the whole day. The poll was published every hour after eight o'clock, and on each occasion it was a tie. The poll should have closed at four o'clock, but at a quarter to four an excited mob made an attack on the polling-booth. It was carried away, together with the returning officers and pollclerks, the Liberal candidate, as it was supposed, being in a majority of one. The return was to be declared at the town-hall, whither the Conservative candidate went to protest against the return as illegal, the poll not having been kept open until four. As he commenced a very energetic protestation, the returning officer beckoned him to draw near, and whispered, "It is a mistake, you have a majority of one." As he spoke the band was heard approaching, playing "See the Conquering Hero comes !" They were chairing the supposed successful candidate. When the triumphal procession reached the townhall, they were told of the mistake, when (as was commonly reported) the occupant

of the chair descended from his rickety | more popular ever filled the post. He and most uncomfortable elevation, for the was given two rooms, and one of these he bearers were in very high spirits, and the invited his friends to smoke in. There Conservative, then member, took his place. were the pleasant reunions. Within these Again" See the Conquering Hero was walls no party feeling entered; it was played by the same band, the same mob of "lasciate ogni asperitate voi ch'entrate." thirsty souls cheered, and the same amount Each of the invited brought his own cigars of beer flowed, although from a different and whiskey- that is, all who frequently source. Alas! the result of all this was enjoyed this society used to send a present the break up of the great country party, of whiskey, and there was no light conand, what was more, the loss of confidence sumption of the old Glenlivet and poteen. in the consistency of public men. On one occasion Mr. Gladstone was asked what he imagined was the consumption during the session. He put it at three hundred and fifty bottles, and he was right within half-a-dozen. I very much question whether the new smoking-rooms ever will a large Parliamentary see such a genial society as the small redinner in Whitehall Gardens, and meet-treat where the walls were covered with ing a member who was leaving. "I must the photographs of the visitors, and where be very late," I said to him. the pleasant talk until "Who goes home?" was heard, was only interrupted by the division bell.

It was very remarkable that a statesman who had seen and lived so much in all societies, and with so great self-command in public, was so shy in private life. I remember on one occasion going rather early to dinner ·

"No; you are early," he replied; "but I am sure there is a mistake in the day. I must have been invited for next Saturday, for I have been in the picture-gallery with Sir Robert for a quarter of an hour, and he has never spoken a word to me."

This was a new member, and not acquainted with Sir Robert's manner. I advised him to return. He did so, and was warmly greeted by Sir Robert, who gained confidence with the increase in the number of his guests.

Sir Robert was not less remarkable for his physical than for his mental power. He was an excellent shot and a good walker. I have heard one who was learned in all manner of sports say he had met few better walkers and better shots; but both as a walker and a shot, he never met any one to equal Sir Robert.

He dined frequently at the House of Commons. The catering was at that time in the hands of Bellamy. There was a great difference between the dinner arrangements at that time and the present. Then, members dined in the kitchen, and the dinner was cooked before them. There was little besides beef-steaks and muttonchops; but they were grilled at a roaring fire, and never were mutton-chops better served. Now, there is an elaborate menu of entrées and joints; but the change is not for the better, and the old members regret the simple cuisine of forty years since. What would they have thought of the new innovation of ladies dining within the sacred precincts? Never was change greater than this, except in the smoking arrangements. Formerly, the only place for smoking was Gossett's room. Captain Gossett was sergeant-at-arms, and no one

Few deaths ever produced such a sense of loss to the nation as the death of Sir Robert Peel, which occurred in 1850 in consequence of a fall from his horse, on Constitution Hill. The people seemed stunned. Right or wrong in his politics, he had occupied a large place in the na tional mind. It was hard to realize the loss of that great intellect. It was a mournful day in the House of Commons when Mr. Gladstone rose to move the adjournment of the House; there were tears in the eyes of all present. Now," said the great orator:

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Is the stately column broke,
The beacon-light all quenched in smoke,
The trumpet's silver note is still,
The warder silent on the hill.

And then in thrilling voice and in noble
language the speaker expressed in no ex-
aggerated terms the deep loss the nation
had sustained. There is no assembly
more sympathetic than the House of Com-
mons, or more generous in its instincts.
It is easy to talk of the deterioration of the
House. I believe that there is very little
deterioration, and that it still remains the
first assemblage of gentlemen in Europe.
This was an occasion to which Mr. Glad
stone was equal, for it appealed to all the
deepest feelings of our nature. Had Mr.
Gladstone been a great prelate, his fu-
neral orations would have rivalled Bos-
suet's. Mr. Gladstone's great power arises
from the intensity of his conviction. It is
of no moment to him that the opinion of
Tuesday may not be the opinion of Mon-
day; but whatever his opinion at the time,

he is thoroughly convinced that it is right. To attack him, then, on the ground of inconsistency is idle; he will reply that he is the one consistent man that

Nel mondo mutabile e leggiero
Costanza e spesso il variar pensiero.

It was well said by some one, "When Mr. Gladstone brings forward a question it is with a majestic authority, as if he came down from the mountain with the Ten Commandments in his despatch-box for private reference." I have always felt that if Mr. Gladstone, from his place in the House, chose to accuse me of any crime, not only would he at once persuade the House that I had committed it, but would persuade even myself that I had done it.

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Mr. Gladstone's sympathetic utterance on the death of Sir Robert Peel reminds me that two years later his great rival moved the funeral honors of the Duke of Wellington. The highest expectations were aroused; never was such a grand more favorable for a noble orator than the death of Sir Robert Peel -for in the case of the great duke there could be but one unanimous sentiment. If I remember right, there was a national mourning. Over the untimely grave of the eminent statesman, passions were hushed for a time; but party animosity only slumbered, for there were many who loved him not and deplored him not. The great captain's death was felt throughout the length and breadth, not alone of Great Britain, but of the civilized world. Well was it written at the time, "It is the last stone torn from the ancient foundations of the European monarchies, and the present generation, leaning breathless over the dark gulf of the future, and listening to its fall in the unfathomable deep." The great minister, the powerful orator, addressed the House of Commons on this memorable occasion. Strange to say, he fell far short of the hopes and wishes of all the expectant hearers. It was very remarkable, and more remarkable that he who possessed in their fulness "the thoughts that breathe and words that burn," should ever have adopted the words which had been spoken over the grave of the marshal Gouvion de Saint Cyr. "Doubt less," said Mr. Disraeli, "to think with vigor, with clearness, and with depth in the recess of the Cabinet, is a fine intellectual demonstration; but to think with equal vigor, clearness, and depth among bullets, appears the loftiest exercise and the most complete triumph of the human faculties.”

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These were pretty near the words in the funeral oration of the maréchal, in which the expression, "le silence de son cabinet was curiously translated by Mr. Disraeli "in the recess of the Cabinet; " and if I remember right, it was this which attracted attention. Had Mr. Disraeli taken the trouble, he could have spoken imperishable words on that occasion. Only two years had passed since the invasion of the Houses of Parliament by Feargus O'Connor and his Chartist hordes had been averted by the genius and determination of the great captain. When the queen went to Osborne, and the duke accepted the command of all the forces, it was understood that he was to possess undivided responsibility and authority. It was truly a momentous day when in the very early dawn a large force was concentrated in the metropolis, and yet not a soldier to be seen the whole day; not a carriage was seen in the streets, which were only patrolled by special constables. At four o'clock, when the House was sitting, Feargus O'Connor asked permission for the Chartist delegates from the mass on the other side of Westminster Bridge to introduce the monster petition. The answer was, that the petition of the people would, of course, be received by the House, but no deputation. Then Feargus O'Connor's heart sank. On the Vauxhall side of the bridge, there were the tens of thousands he had collected from all parts in the hope of the plunder of the metropolis; but O'Connor well knew that although no soldier was seen, they occupied every house in the vicinity; that the great duke had said, if one of his soldiers was struck with a stone, or a man put his foot on the bridge, the leaders of the movement and their followers must take the consequences of their deeds. The cannon knew no distinction of persons, so Feargus O'Connor took the most prudent course, and with great difficulty induced his forces to disperse, and so ended the eventful revolution of 1848.

Some of the Chartist songs, though very profane, possessed a good deal of vigor. I remember the first stanza of one which was popular with this socialist party:— Crucified, crucified every morn, Beaten with stripes and crowned with thorn; Spurned and spat on, and drenched with Brothers, how long will ye bear this thrall? gall Mary of Magdalene, Peter, and John, Answer the question and pass it on.

In Mr. Disraeli's graceful dedication of

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