Buol, described by Metternich as a knife | envoy to persuade him to do so, at the with a sharp point without an edge, took request of Napoleon III. the place of Schwarzenberg, and perhaps The Crimean war was followed, at no contributed to the failure of the negotia- very long interval, by the war of Italy. tions. Shortly after this, Beust met Bis-It was, in Beust's view, a natural consemarck for the second time. He takes quence of the Treaty of Paris, which left pains to tell that he and Bismarck are not Russia too powerful, while it excited the to be considered rivals, but were in reality hopes of Italy and the ambition of France. excellent friends. He quotes Bismarck's Mr. Gladstone once said to Beust, "The opinion of him as "his most unbiased and Crimean war was a great mistake." "Not amiable opponent," but at the same time in the least," he replied; "but the Treaty he reminds us that Bismarck once said in of Paris was a great blunder." Whilst a circle of friends, that in estimating his the storm was gathering between France enemies he first deducted their vanity, but and Austria, Beust was visiting Berlin, that when he did so with Beust, nothing Paris, and London, and had therefore a remained. good opportunity of observing the state of public opinion. The Prussian government was not well disposed towards Austria, but they seemed inclined to assist her if France interfered actively on behalf of Italy. At Paris, Beust did his best to assure the emperor that an attack upon Austria would not be regarded with indifference by the States of the German Confederation. In London, Beust found Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury favorably disposed towards Austria, and although there was no chance of shaking England in her firm position of neutrality, yet he obtained an assurance that the ministry would not be opposed to a demonstration of Prussia upon the Rhine against France. The Duke of Saxe-Coburg was ready to advise Prussia to cross the Rhine, if France attacked Austria. Very different were the opinions of Lord Palmerston and the Liberal leaders. Their advent to power in the following month determined unequivocally the attitude of England, whilst Beust was abashed by the outspoken judgments of the prince consort, which, whether right or wrong, have been fully justified by events. The prince displayed a deeply rooted hatred of Austria, and said that it would be a blessing to Germany if Austria was so far weakened that she should be no longer a rallying point for the smaller German States, and if she could be driven altogether from the Confederation. The Federal_constitution he considered full of faults. Germany had no sovereign to represent her abroad, or to command her armies; the only possible solution was that the king of Prussia should become German emperor. These opinions are the more remarkable, because the prince consort did what he could to avert the Italian war, and because he had a deep-rooted distrust of Napoleon III. Austria lost whatever good opinion she might have commanded in Europe by refusing to enter a congress, by calling on

It is difficult in these memoirs to resist the impression that Bismarck's observations had a basis of truth. In 1852 the emperor Nicholas of Russia came to Dresden, and Beust saw him for the first time. With his magnificent appearance, his engaging manners, and large, blue, clear, and penetrating eye, he impressed Beust powerfully as a commanding personality. Beust gave him advice, which he believes would have prevented the Crimean war, namely, to recognize the French emperor not only as Louis Napoleon, but as Napoleon III., and to call him mon bon frère. Unhappily, Nicholas was deaf to his subtle arguments. In August, 1854, King Frederick Augustus was thrown out of his carriage in the Tyrol and killed, and was succeeded by his brother John, the learned "Philalethes," whose simplicity of character and charm of conversation once induced his fellow-travellers to believe that he was indeed "le premier dentiste de l'Allemagne." His accession was coincident with the Crimean war, a conflict in which Saxony took no part. Beust is of opinion, that if Count Buol had occupied Little Wallachia as soon as the Russians crossed the Pruth, the war might have been averted. Schwarzenberg, he says, would have done so. Instead of this, Austria made a fatal blunder by allowing Sardinia to take part in the war, with the object of gaining a footing at the Congress which would conclude it. Had there been an Austro-Russian war, it is probable that Bismarck would have succeeded in bringing about a Prusso-Russian alliance. The emperor of Austria was so far personally inclined for war, that had not Sebastopol fallen when it did, he might have been drawn into it. The young emperor of Russia would not have made peace, even after the fall of Sebastopol, had not Beust, according to his statement, sent a Saxon

posts, currency, and customs. Beust has something to tell us about the king of Prussia's refusal. King John of Saxony went to Baden, to request the king to come to Frankfort. Beust went with him, and dined with Bismarck. Bismarck said,

Sardinia to disarm, and by invading Sar- | moned the German princes to meet him dinian territory. Beust thinks that, in at Frankfort, in order to discuss the respite of this, if Austria had applied to the form of the Federal Constitution. The Federation, the smaller States would have invitation was warmly responded to, and been willing to assist her. might have confirmed the friends of AusAfter the war was over, Beust made tria in the belief that she could yet be, another attempt to include Austria in the as of old, the leader of Germany. The Federation, by proposing that the Federal sumptuous processions, the banquet in the Diet should meet twice a year-in the Römer, the splendid fireworks, made a spring at Regensburg, under the presi- deep impression on Beust's mind, and dency of Austria, and in the autumn at convinced him how important was the Hamburg, under the presidency of Prus- position of Austria. But, in fact, the sia. There was also to be a representative meeting was two years too late. Prussia assembly of German Parliaments. The refused to attend it is said after the king plan met with no success. Austria was of Prussia had given his word to the emdecidedly hostile, and Berlin, although peror at Gastein that he would be there ; very polite, was sarcastically cold. The and the Duke of Baden, a firm supporter settlement of the rivalry between Austria of Prussian interests, refused his consent and Prussia was to pass into stronger to the decision of the Congress. Nothing hands. In September, 1862, Bismarck was effected, excepting a few reforms in became prime minister of Prussia, and rapidly put into action the schemes which he had long been maturing for placing Prussia at the head of Germany. One of Bismarck's first steps was to join with Russia in an agreement to put down the Polish insurrection of 1863. The Prus-"You come to drag us down to perdition; sian intervention did not take place, because there was a fear lest France might seize the opportunity to stir up a European war. Austria naturally threw herself on the other side, and, in conjunction with France and England, sent a note to St. Petersburg, urging that a reasonable degree of freedom should be given to the Poles. Saxony was invited with other States to join in this intervention, but declined to do so. A similar reply was sent to the proposal of Napoleon III. for a European Congress a proposal which was wrecked on the reluctance of England to throw the affairs of Europe and the Treaties of 1815 into the melting-pot. Beust is of opinion that Austria again lost an opportunity. She ought to have anticipated Prussia in assisting Russia in putting down the rebellion, and so earned a debt of gratitude which would have been useful to her in times of trouble. If this course was impossible, it would have been better to have joined England and France, without reserve, in helping to establish an independent Poland. The true policy was either to befriend Russia or to weaken her, so that she could be no longer formidable. As it was, Prussia treated the Polish refugees with severity, while Austria treated them with kindness, thus losing the confidence of Russia which Prussia acquired.

The emperor of Austria, having given a constitution to his own dominions, sum

you will not succeed." The king was much put out at having so respectable a person as the scholar monarch sent to fetch him. "If they had sent my son-inlaw," he said, "I could have scolded him; but they actually send me the venerable king of Saxony."

A far more important matter was to bring the great dispute between Austria and Prussia to a conclusion. Frederick VII., king of Denmark, the last in male descent of the house of Holstein, died on November 14, 1863. His uncle, the crown-prince Ferdinand, had died in the previous June, and the family was now represented by Louisa, Princess of Hesse Cassel, who had married in May, 1842, Christian, Duke of Schleswig-HolsteinSonderburg - Glücksburg. This Prince Christian had been by the protocol of Warsaw, June 5, 1851, and the Treaty of London of May 8, 1852, recognized as king of Denmark, including the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein, on the failure of the Holstein line, whereas, according to the strict laws of inheritance, the crown should have passed to Frederick Christian Augustus, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, who represented the distantly related but elder line of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Augustenburg. The provisions of the Treaty of London were accepted by the great powers, and by Sweden, and also by several of the smaller German States, such as Hanover, Saxony, and Würtemberg;

been the author. His plan was to attack the North Sea and Baltic provinces of Germany with half the English fleet, and Trieste and Venice with the other half, to subsidize Mazzini and Garibaldi against Austria in Italy, and Kossuth in Hungary, The queen is said twice to have refused the draft of a threatening speech from the throne, and only to have approved the colorless words which were actually spoken the day before the opening of Parliament. The war in Denmark continued beyond the limits which were at first ex

but not by the German Diet. After the | Schleswig-Holstein nearly brought about death of the hereditary prince, the title of a war between England and Germany. Prince Christian was acknowledged by According to Count Vitzthum, it was prethe Danish Parliament, which did not, vented by the firmness of the queen and however, bind the duchies, whereas it the Conservative leaders. Lord Palmerwas contested by the house of Augusten- ston, he says, was ready to go to any burg. Was then the new king of Den-length to defend a treaty of which he had mark to succeed to the duchies as well as to the crown, and were these to be integral parts of the Danish kingdom, as the Treaty of London had without doubt intended? It would exceed our limits to explain, even shortly, the complicated history of the Schleswig-Holstein question. Suffice it to say, that Schleswig was mainly Danish, Holstein entirely German. Indeed, the latter duchy was an integral part of the German Empire, and had a representative at the Diet. At the same time the two duchies had, by a long prescription, been inseparably joined to-pected. The lines of Düppel, "a second gether, and attached great importance to that union. Attempts had been made by the late king of Denmark to extirpate the German element in Schleswig in a manner which appeared to violate the constitution, and this action had been resented by the Diet. The Prince of Glücksburg ascended the Danish throne as Christian IX., and under the pressure of Copenhagen confirmed the obnoxious constitution of his predecessors. The prince of Augustenburg proclaimed himself Duke Frederick VIII. of the united duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, and drew to himself the sympathies of the whole of Germany. The popular song, "SchleswigHolstein, sea-surrounded," attained the position of a national hymn. The Diet took the side of the duke. Federal troops crossed the Elbe, and occupied the duch-impossible a conference was held in Lonies of Holstein and Lauenburg, the Danes retiring before them and avoiding a conflict.

Prussia and Austria then proceeded to stronger measures. They demanded the abrogation of the Constitution of November, which put an end to that union between Schleswig and Holstein which was regarded as the fundamental basis of the Treaty of London. On the refusal of the king of Denmark, the duchy of Holstein was occupied by the allied armies in February, 1864. They crossed the Schlei, and approached the Dannewerk, the great earthwork which runs from east to west along the south of Schleswig, which was evacuated by the Danes, who retreated to the lines of Düppel, but did not succeed in completing this movement without an engagement.

It is well known that the occupation of

Sebastopol," were attacked and stormed on April 18th, the Prussians losing twelve hundred men, and the fate of the war was virtually decided. Beust does not defend the action of the two German powers. In his opinion they were inconsistent in attacking a monarch of their own creation, and cowardly in assaulting a weaker State. Denmark also was wrong in fighting, but that, he says, was owing to Bismarck's unscrupulousness, who told him at Gastein that in order to force the Danes into resistance, he had made them believe that England had promised her intervention in the event of open hostilities, whereas she had done nothing of the kind. There is little doubt, from subsequent events, that Austria was duped in a similar manner.

When an armed intervention was found

don, at which Austria and Russia consented to be present. Beust attended as the representative of the German Federation, but did not arrive till after the first sitting. He was not well received by Lord Palmerston, who, on being introduced to him by Mr. Murray, our minister at Dresden, took no notice of him, but went on with his conversation. Beust never entered Cambridge House again. He attributes some of the English feeling in favor of Denmark to the popularity of the Princess of Wales, and says that thousands of people used to assemble every day opposite Marlborough House to see her take her morning drive. The queen, however, came to the rescue. Although her Majesty was at that time living in the strictest retirement, Beust was invited to spend two days at Osborne. From that moment society was open to him. Beust

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found the queen thoroughly versed in all | tirely unworkable. Austria placed be-
the intricacies of the Schleswig-Holstein tween two districts in the occupation of
question, and determined to prevent any her rival was sure to be crushed out, and
hostile action on the part of England. At any disputes which arose in the double
the conference itself Lord Russell was so administration of the duchies would be
ignorant of French that Lord Clarendon interpreted to her discredit. It would
was obliged to be the real president. The have been better if Austria had listened
general opinion is that the conference had to Beust's advice, and refused to share in
no result. Beust, however, protests against the occupation without having received
that view. Austria wished to maintain the mandate of the German Confederation.
the arrangement of 1852, by which the The Federation itself was on its last
duchies were placed under Denmark. legs. Austria who, beguiled by the ignis
Beust insisted upon their being secured
to Duke Frederick. He believes that, if
that arrangement had been carried out,
the war of 1866 would have been avoided. |
He does not appear to be aware that he
was unconsciously playing into the hands
of Bismarck, who had determined, long
before, the course which events should
take. The second duty of the conference
was to determine where the frontier line
between Denmark and the duchies should
be drawn. France was strongly in favor
of settling this by a plébiscite, a view
which was supported both by Beust and
Bernstorff. It was resolutely opposed by
Austria, who was afraid lest the principle
of a popular vote might some day be ap-
plied to Italy. War broke out again, and
the conference came to an end.

fatuus of her great ally, had assisted in
discrediting the Bund and covering it with
ridicule, returned to it in her extremity.
Pressed hard by the interference of Prus-
sia in Holstein, she proposed the mobili-
zation of the Federal forces. The central
States supported the motion, but Prussia
declared that it was a violation of the Fed-
eral constitution. Before this, Prussia
had violated the constitution still more
glaringly, by making an alliance with Italy
on the condition of her attacking Austria.
War was inevitable, and Saxony in com-
mon with her neighbors began to arm. It
is hardly worth while to discuss, with
Beust, how far the disappearance of the
Federation was a loss to Germany. The
substitution of a great State for a number
of smaller States belongs probably to that
The submission of Denmark was fol- class of events which, except in point of
lowed by the Treaty of Vienna, in which time, are independent of individual efforts.
the Confederation was not represented. It may be doubted whether Germany at
Saxony and Hanover were jostled out of the present day holds the rank in science,
the way, Rendsburg, then garrisoned by literature, and art, which she held twenty
them, being occupied by six thousand years ago. The smaller courts were cen-
Prussian troops under Prince Frederick tres of culture, and the absorption of the
Charles, when, by the intrigues of Bis- intellect of the nation in politics and com-
marck and the intervention of Austria, the merce has impoverished other channels
Federal execution was determined to be at of activity. The earliest German railways,
an end. Beust, either from temper or Beust tells us, were the creation of Bava-
prudence, withdrew his troops by a cir-ria and Saxony. By the predominance of
cuitous route through Hanover, Hesse, a single power the spirit of useful emula-
and Bavaria. The king of Denmark sur- tion amongst independent sovereigns has
rendered the duchies to the king of Prus-been checked, and war with Austria had
sia and the emperor of Austria, while the in all probability been a part of Bismarck's
Duke of Augustenburg and the German programme from the beginning. The
Federation were left equally out in the king, on the other hand, only assented to
cold. By the convention signed on Au- it after severe struggles and with a heavy
gust 14th, 1864, Lauenburg was sold to heart. An attempt was made to secure
Prussia by Austria for two millions and a the alliance of Saxony for Prussia, and
half of Danish thalers, Austria was to she was asked to march her army into
occupy Holstein, and Prussia Schleswig; Bohemia. King John and Beust refused,
while Prussia was to have possession of and stood firm by the alliance with Aus-
the harbor of Kiel, with the right of forti- tria. Napoleon intervened with his usual
fying it, and other privileges. When project of a congress, which Austria de-
Beust visited Gastein, just after the con- clined from fear of losing Venetia. The
clusion of the convention, Bismarck said suggestion, however, gave time for the
to him, "We have made a less combusti- belligerents to prepare themselves.
ble arrangement with Austria." To any
observant eye the arrangement was en-

The signal was given by the dissolution of the Bund at Frankfort on June 14, 1866.

The next day the Saxon army, consisting envoy, left Paris just before Beust arrived. of thirty thousand men and seventy-five Napoleon was in a condition of bodily and guns, was ready for action. The costly mental prostration. He could only muttreasures which attract so many sightseers ter, "I am not ready for war,” and it was to Dresden were packed up and stored in in vain that Beust urged upon him that a fireproof vaults at Munich. The Saxon demonstration was all that was required. army joined the Austrian in Bohemia, not Beust's retirement from the Saxon minin consequence of any special treaty, but istry might have seemed the inglorious as an act of federal duty. Saxony was end of an unsuccessful career. For sevordered by Prussia to place her army upon enteen years he had been the most promia peace footing, and to assent to the call-nent champion of a policy which was ing of a German parliament by Prussia. thoroughly worsted. He had supported If she submitted, her sovereign rights and the cause, first of the smaller German the territory would be guaranteed; if not, States, and then of Austria. He had seen she would be treated as an enemy. The Austria driven from the headship of Geroffer was finally declined, and the news many, and preparing to retire from Vienna reached Frankfort on the day of the dis- to Pesth, while Prussia was triumphant solution of the Bund. The king and the with the German States at her feet. To royal princes joined the army, the queen his great surprise, he found himself almost and the princesses went up the Elbe to immediately in a more prominent position Aussig. The queen dowager remained than before, foreign minister of the second behind, and used her efforts to preserve State in Germany, with the opportunity of the beautiful gardens and parks for which carrying out a policy which would immorDresden is so renowned. Beust's private talize his name. He had been regarded villa at Laubegast, on the road between by the Austrians as the author of their Dresden and Pillnitz, was broken into by misfortunes, and wrote from their capital the Prussian soldiers. All the wine was to a friend in Saxony: "To-morrow I leave drunk, the furniture destroyed, and the Vienna. I will shake the dust off my servants, men and women, ill-treated. His feet. I will not return there in a hurry." name was familiar to the army as the A week later, he received at Gastein the sturdiest opponent of the Prussian alli- offer of the ministry of foreign affairs. ance. The attitude of Bavaria was less By Beust's wish, the appointment was decided than that of Saxony. Beust did kept secret until the peace between Saxhis best to persuade Prince Charles of ony and Prussia was finally concluded. Bavaria to march into Bohemia. If he He was sworn into office by Count Belhad done so, the left flank of the Austrians credi, who received him with scant comwould have been covered and the battle fort, telling him that his appointment of Königgrätz would not have been lost. would be unpopular because he was a The Saxon court was obliged to retire to foreigner, a German, and a Protestant, and Vienna; the Austrian capital was reached that he hoped Beust would not drag Ausat two in the morning of July 4. The tria into another war. A diplomat at Paris railway station was brilliantly lighted and said of him, "Il a enterré la Saxe, il a decorated with flowers. The emperor enterré la confédération, il va enterrer met his guests with a face as white as his l'Autriche." In the five years during uniform. He told them of the terrible which he held office he was able to disapdisaster of Sadowa on the day before. point these expectations.

The defeat of Austria brought about the close of Beust's Saxon career. He was nominated to represent his country in the negotiations for peace which followed the Treaty of Prague between Austria and Prussia. Bismarck refused to receive him at Berlin, and he therefore tendered his resignation, which was accepted. The king took leave of him with every mark of personal affection. Before he finally left the Saxon service, Beust was sent by the emperor of Austria on a secret mission to Napoleon III., to induce him to intervene in favor of the conquered country. Unfortunately Bismarck had been beforehand with him, and Prince Reuss, the Prussian

The questions which first demanded Beust's attention in his new office were those of the East and of Hungary. His views on the relations between Austria and Turkey were expressed in an important despatch, written to Prince Metternich at Paris on January 1, 1867. It marked a new era in the treatment of Eastern affairs. Its object was to claim for the great powers generally, and especially for Austria, an interest in the Christian populations which would ensure their protection, and would take away from Russia the monopoly of their defence, and at the same time to gratify Russia by abrogating the most humiliating condition