"There is another error, not less great and dangerous. I refer to the opinion, that liberty and equality are so intimately united, that liberty cannot be perfect without perfect equality. That they are united to a certain extent and that equality of citizens, in the eyes of the law, is essential to liberty in a popular government, is conceded. But to go further, and make equality of condition essential to liberty, would be to destroy both liberty and progress. The reason is, that inequality of condition, while it is a necessary consequence of liberty, is, at the same time, indispensable to progress. In order to understand why this is so, it is necessary to bear in mind, that the main spring to progress is the desire of individuals to better their condition; and that the strongest impulse which can be given to it, is to leave individuals free to exert themselves in the manner they may deem best for that purpose, as far, at least, as it can be done consistently with the ends for which government is ordained, and to secure to all the fruits of their exertions. Now, as individuals differ greatly from each other, in intelligence, sagacity, energy, perseverance, skill, habits of industry and economy, physical power, position and opportunity-the necessary effect of leaving all free to exert themselves to better their condition, must be a corresponding inequality between those who may possess these qualities and advantages in a high degree, and those who may be deficient in them. The only means by which this result can be prevented, are, either to impose such restrictions on the exertions of those who may possess them in a high degree, as will place them on a level with those who do not; or to deprive them of the fruits of their exertions. But to impose such restrictions on them, would be destructive of liberty; while, to deprive them of the fruits of their exertions, would be to destroy the desire of bettering their condition. It is, indeed, this inequality of condition between the front and rear ranks, in the march of progress, which gives so strong an impulse to the former to maintain their position, and to the latter to press forward into their files. This gives to progress its greatest impulse. To force the front rank back to the rear, or attempt to push forward the rear into line with the front, by the interposition of the government, would put an end to the impulse, and effectually arrest the march of progress.

"These great and dangerous errors have their origin in the prevalent opinion that all men are born free and equal-than which, nothing can be more unfounded and false. It rests upon the assumption of a fact, which is contrary to universal observation, in whatever light it may be regarded. It is, indeed, difficult to explain how an opinion so destitute of all sound reason, ever could have been so extensively entertained."

Now, firmly convinced as we may be, not only that there is, but that there ought to be, some inequality, and hence, some natural aristocracy among men, it is but due to the subject, that inquiry should be made as to the grounds upon which the doctrine of equality is based. And although it is not within the scope of our design to make the investigation,

we have at hand the only philosophical apology for the doctrine which we have ever met with; and, as it comes from a good source, we shall make use of it. It is somewhat remarkable that the great difference between the French and English liberty may be traced to the rejection of the doctrine by the latter, and the tenacious grasping at it by the former. "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,” is the watchword of the Parisian mob. Kings, Lords and Commons, are the landmarks of the United Kingdom. A happy medium between these, is the beauty of our school. We, of Carolina, have followed closely the policy of nature; the surest and easiest guide. We have rejected the evil, and retained the good. Having neither kings nor lords, nor "equality," nor "fraternity," we yet have liberty and commons.

Some little merit has been extracted, by straining, out of equality,” in a most ingenious manner, by Judge Grimké of Ohio, in his excellent work on Free Institutions, but just enough to make men cautious of the dogma. He explains as follows:*

"All human exertions to better the social organization, must neces'sarily be bounded within certain limits. Something must be taken for granted, as the elements of all our reasoning in politics, as well as in other sciences. We cannot be permitted to construct ideas, which a fertile imagination has suggested, and which only approach toward being verified in part, because they cannot be verified universally.

"Let us suppose that all those who have succeeded in life, and who are placed in good circumstances, were to go among the poor and ignorant, open up all the secrets of their hearts, recount the whole train of circumstances which contributed to elevate their condition, I can conceive of nothing which, for the time being, would so much expand the bosoms of those who believed, either rightly or erroneously, that fortune had frowned upon them. But, first: the thing cannot be done. Such a fearless and unreserved revelation of one's whole thoughts and actions, can proceed from none but angels. Second: the exposition of so great an amount of infirmities as the revelation would disclose, and as would be shown to attend frequently the most enviable condition, would cause the vicious and the ignorant to hug vice and ignorance still closer. The greater part would become more bold and confident than ever, since there was no such broad mark of distinction, as had been imagined, between the highest and lowest condition. And one great

* Nature and Tendency of Free Institutions, by Frederick Grimké. Cincinnati: 1848. page 52.

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check to irregularities of conduct, would be removed. The counsellors and the counselled, in such an enterprise, are equally covered with all sorts of infirmities. And the true way to get rid of these, is to proceed upon the belief that they do not exist, or, at any rate, that they are only adventitious. In this way, every one will be nerved to a greater amount of exertion than would otherwise be the case. If those who are placed in what is termed low life, could penetrate the gaudy exterior of high life, they would find as little enjoyment as in their own humble sphere. Wealth creates full as many disquietudes as it heals. Fortunately, they are unable to lift the veil; for then, perhaps, all human exertions would speedily come to an end.

"It may then be enquired, why do legislators constantly inculcate the maxim, that all men are equal. And the answer is plain: First. Because to teach and to act upon it is the only way of attaining equality, to the extent to which it is actually attained. Second. Because it is not in the power of government to make anything like an accurate discrimination between the inequalities of different men; and the attempt to do so, would be to encroach upon those points in which there is no inequality. Third. Because the principle of equality may very well be recognised as the rule among men as citizens-as members of a political community-although, as individuals, there may be great and numerous inequalities between them. The utmost which the citizen can demand, is that no law shall be passed to obstruct his rise, and to

impede his progress through life. He has, then, an even chance with all his fellows. If he does not become their equal, his case is beyond the reach of society, and to complain, would be to quarrel with his own nature.

"It cannot be concealed that a difficulty now presents itself, which is entitled to particular attention. Here are two sets of ideas which do not quadrate with each other: equality proclaimed by the laws, and inequality in fact. And as, notwithstanding the artificial distinctions which we may make between the individual and the citizen, the former may be disposed to carry all his prejudices, narrow views and selfish interests, into the arena of politics, it might be supposed that a sense of discord would be introduced, which, after lasting for a given period, must terminate in the ascendency of one or other of these rival principles. Hence, the misgivings of many persons, otherwise possessing good sense and reflection in an eminent degree. If they do not believe, they at any rate doubt, whether the undisguised recognition, of the principle of equality in America, is not destined to take entire possession of society, and ultimately to level the whole fabric of its institutions. The masses are put in possession of the same privileges as the educated and the wealthy; and, in the event of a struggle between the two orders, will not numbers be sure to gain the advantage.

"But the principle of equality is itself the parent of another principle, which sets bounds to it, and limits its operation in practice. The same laws which declare that all men are equal, give unbounded scope to the enterprise and industry of all. Neither family, nor rank, confer any peculiar advantages in running the career which is now opened. In many respects, they even throw obstacles in the way. Men, without

education, with ordinary faculties, and who commenced life with little or nothing, are continually emerging from obscurity, and displacing those who have acquired fortunes by inheritance. They constitute, emphatically, the class of the rich in the United States. It is the principle of equality there, which introduces all the inequality which is established in that country. The effects are visible to every one, and are understood and appreciated by the most ignorant men. Every one is a witness to the miracles which industry and common sagacity produce. No one distrusts himself; no one can perceive those minute shades of character and disposition, which determine the destiny of some individuals, making some rich, and leaving others poor. All place an equal reliance upon their own efforts to carve out their fortunes, until, at length, the period of life begins to shorten; when cool reflection and judgment take the place of the passions; and whether they have succeeded or failed, a new feeling comes over every one-a disposition to submit quietly to what is the inevitable, because it is the natural progress of things.

"Thus, as it is impossible, among millions, to say who, in running the career of wisdom, influence or wealth, will attain the goal, government very rightly establishes the broad and indiscriminate rules of equality, and the very means which it makes use of to effect this object, obliterates all artificial distinctions, and brings out in bolder relief, all the natural inequalities of men. And as a large proportion of the envious are constantly rising into the ranks of the envied, a powerful check is imposed upon the revolutionary tendencies of the former. They cannot reach, nor after reaching, will they be able to enjoy, that which is the constant aim of all their efforts, without lending an earnest and vigorous support to the laws under which they live. And in this way, free institutions are saved from shipwreck, by the thorough and undisguised adoption of a principle which seemed calculated to produce precisely opposite effects."

If the mass of the people in this country, who believe in the doctrine of equality, could only be brought to an understanding of the matter, such as the above long quotation unfolds, it would be fortunate for society.. But we very much fear they would, even with these views, confound equality with liberty, and fall into the error which Mr. Calhoun so justly exposes. Nor will the mass of mankind ever be brought to comprehend the philosophy of declaring equality for the sake of inequality. And it may well be questioned, which will be accomplished first-the "quadrature" of the circle, to the satisfaction of mathematicians, or the "quadrature" of opposing laws and facts to the satisfaction of mankind. It would seem by far the wisest plan to content ourselves with exposing errors, and leaving their correction

to the sure operations of civilized society; for it is there, at last, that even government itself must seek refuge from false doctrines and heresy. If we are unequal, let not the laws offend our understanding, by telling us that we are equal. Let them protect us and our property as they find us; they have nothing else to care for. Protect our person and our property; our position among men will protect itself. And inequality of condition, means simply difference in position. This brings us to the consideration of the self-sustaining power of society, which will now be explained.

Society, as has already been stated, is founded in the nature of man, and it is out of society that not only government, but all the principles of justice, morality and virtue, spring. It is utterly impossible to bring together a number of men, and associate them under any circumstances, without there immediately appearing a standard of conduct; common lines of discrimination between excellence and mediocrity, and pure deficiency; a general understanding that this is good, and that is bad; this is admirable, that execrable. Nor is this all. The sentiment soon prevails, that their common good should be their common aim. Virtue and talents will be deemed good and excellent, wealth will be admirable. Each of these will be sure to give influence, ease and contentment; and the possessors can never fail to appreciate their value. The most beautiful and sacred emotion of our carnal nature, now prompts us to secure these to those frail and helpless beings whom we have brought into the arena of earthly turmoil-our children. And thus is the main spring of progress set. Great as is the amount of avarice and ambition, in the grand category of motives to human exertion, the search after wealth, and the thirst for distinction, which constitute the right and left arms of civilization, spring more frequently from a desire to bequeath blessings to our offspring, than from a lust for our own aggrandizement. The result of this is, that virtue, talent and wealth will create for themselves a degree of influence and power in society, which government can neither bestow nor prevent; and this will continue so long as man is mortal. From this evident fact, it appears that there must ever be an ex