The important discoveries I have made in the study of man and his intellectual power, has some claim to the indulgent and fostering patronage of enlightened and liberal minds, when it is considered, that all my researches have been made in the most arduous travels, at the risk of fortune, health, and life, and that of personal interest at war with popular prejudices-and that they have terminated in a science of intellectual power and moral truth, no part of which has been suggested, like other sciences, in the labours of preceding authors.

The various sciences of astronomy, chymistry, mathematics, &c. &c. have all been the result of a long series of progressive discoveries aiding each other, while the momentous science of these Lectures, reason, truth, and nature, comprehended in the term moral science, has been the product of one mind, unaided by the most distant glimpse or previous suggestion of any author who has treated these transcendent subjects, according to the poet, who says, that

"All our knowledge is ourselves to know;"

which I have developed in a manner never before attempted in the discovery of the laws of intellectual power.

:

The following Letter had the Chesterfield post-mark :

TO RICHARD CARLILE, ESQ. EDITOR OF "THE REPUBLICAN." Huzza! Huzza! Huzza! CARLILE FOR EVER.

DEAR SIR,

You have stung COBBETT at last! Look at his "Register" of Saturday last: poor fellow, how he ROARS OUT! He even cannot endure to be in the same room with you!! and why? Because he knows that you are HIS MASTER. WHY could he not carry on a FREE AND FAIR DISCUSSION with you? The pages of "The Republican" were open to him for that purpose. WHY could he not, in his "Register," print what you had to say against his doctrines, and refute your arguments, if he were able? If he could not refute them, WHY not confess that you were RIGHT.

I think that he is right as to the evils of the " Paper Money;" but, at the same time, think him confined in his reflections on "Free Trade.' I have always had the very highest opinion of him until lately: the reading, however, of his " Register," and of your "Republican," has caused me to think that he acts the HYPOCRITE at times; therefore, I send you this as a token of the JOY which I feel at the plainly visible TRIUMPH which you have gained over him.

This is the first effort of the pen of one of that class of persons whom Cobbett seems so desirous to instruct: (how to praise himself.)

Derbyshire, April 17, 1826.

A YOUNG MAN.

P. S. Cobbett having ranked so high in my estimation, I had not the heart to send you the above until now; but, knowing that several of my reighbours, and many other persons, have a like opinion of him, I have resolved to let it go. April 22, 1826.

Printed and Published by R. CARLILE, 135, Fleet Street.-All Correspondences for "The Republican," to be left at the place of publication.

No. 18, VOL. 13.] LONDON, Friday, May 5, 1826. [PRICE 6d.

TO THE WORKING PEOPLE OF LANCASHIRE.

CITIZENS,

YOUR distresses and your manner of expressing those distresses are beginning to excite alarm throughout the country. The very Ministers have been prompt in shewing a disposition to alleviate those distresses; but you should bear in mind, that, these Minis-ters have not absolute power over your lives and conditions, and that all which they can do, will be comparatively trifling with your sufferings. Your enemy and the general enemy of the country consists of the form of government, of its aristocratical form, which has engendered an excess or all possible taxation on the labouring man, and which, to preserve the income arising to a class from this taxation, shackles that commerce on which your supply of labour and your wages depend. Your cry should beLESS TAXATION; NO CORN LAWS; FREE TRADE; A SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT, or that which shall equalize to all classes the chance of comfortable living from industry.

BETTER

Many of you have been so unwise as to set about, at the hazard of your lives, the destruction of machinery, supposing, of course, that the power-loom and other pieces of machinery lessen the supply of labour to the labouring man. But this is a barbarous idea. It sets up a bar to all improvement. It would be well for future generations, if machinery could be invented to do all the work that is dore in manufactories, and, indeed, every where else. So that the necessary articles for consumption are produced, it matters not, on a large scale of time, by what power they are produced: the social view of the individual should be the greatest happiness of the greatest number. You may as well destroy all the produce of the earth, and say that no food shall be prothat maduced but that which arises from your labour, as to say chinery shall not assist in the manufacture of our clothing. Your destruction of the power-looms will not bring to one of you one hour of labour; that is, not to the weaver; for before that labour will be wanted, those looms will be renewed. The effect of this conduct will be to embitter the feelings of the proprietors of those looms towards you, to increase the amount of your enemies. All confess that a hungry stomach is not to be reasoned with; but no good man can approve of your risking your lives in acts of pure mischief. A dozen of you have been killed, many others wound

Printed and Published by R. Carlile, 135, Fleet Street, London.

ed, another dozen are likely to be hanged, and many transported; many of you will say, it is better to be shot, hanged, or transported, than to move in the sort of life which you now lead; so I think; but why not, if you are resolute enough to meet death, meet it in the attempt to do some good, and not in the destruction of machinery, not in the destruction of property of any kind? Strike at your real enemies, which are not found among the manufacturers, nor among any kind of labouring, productive men. There are the Priests for one class, who consume in splendid uselessness the bread which you ought to have divided among you. Strike away the whole Church system, and you will but improve your condition, with that of the country at large. The church is like a standing army, a complete shackle upon the liberty and prosperity of the people. It brings you not a single benefit; but it every where brings you expence and adds to your taxation. Here is an enemy worthy of your contention. Strike away the church and you will have done something toward removing the evils of our system of government. I do not recommend to you the destruction of the churches, as buildings, where they can be converted to useful purposes, destroy nothing that can be made useful; but destroy that sort of aristocratical machinery, which does not lessen your labour; but which absorbs the produce of your labour to its own peculiar benefit. Get rid of the church and you will find that you have got rid of one of your master evils. The army will soon follow it, and with the army every evil that externally affiicts you.

It may be asked, how you are to direct your powers to get rid even of the church. Begin by exclaiming against its uselessness, and if desperation drives you to the use of your physical powers, let them be exerted for some useful, some noble purpose, and not in the destruction of machinery or any other property. A well expressed moral power would speedily overthrow the church; and here at once you would find a property, most unnaturally an d most dishonestly accumulated, that would go far to relieve your distresses. The ministers will, because they can do nothing else than, palter with your sufferings; but set to and seek relief manfully for yourselves, and you may obtain it before the year be out, in the mere sweeping away of institutions that are pernicious even to a moral monarchy, if such a system of government can be moral. Destroy not the machinery of your manufactories, but destroy the machinery of that system which draws from you the bread which you and your families want to make life worth the

endurance.

In all great changes in society, there will be some to suffer. The introduction of machinery to perform the work of the human hand is a change which lessens the quantity of labour and injures for the moment the individuals who had been there employed. But this improved means of producing the article becomes a great acquisition to the consumer, against whose interest the labouring man never ought to be opposed. The injury to the labourer is but a temporary injury, while the bene

fit accruing to millions of consumers is perpetual. Reverse the question and put it to yourselves. Deny the agriculturist all means bnt hand labour to produce your food, and keep him to his present rent and taxes, what then will be the price of bread and vegetables to you? You may give the labouring agriculturist a shilling or two more per week, which will not benefit him, in consequence of advanced prices, while you the millions of consumers will find your means of subsistence lessened by your opposition to the use of the best means of producing that food which is necessary to it. The case is the same when applied to clothing. And if machinery leaves many of you unemployed. it is the common injury which must fall on some few by a change which is to benefit perpetually the many. Though a hungry stomach is to be pitied and not to be reasoned with, I would exhort you to reason upon the matter when you are not hungry, and see, that, by the destruction of machinery, or any property beyond that which is essential to subsistence, you become your own greatest enemies, and the enemies of society, of all good laws, and every good man is in duty bound to resist you.

It is difficult to contrive immediate relief for you; but ultimate relief is to be sought in your seeking to overthrow all those institutions which are become the Jumber of society, and which tend to its impoverishment instead of its benefit. The chief of those is the church, and this church is the nucleus around which all your other evils gather, and in which they find support and solidity.

Your want of labour proves another thing, that is, whether or not it be from the introduction of machinery, or whether or not it be from an increase of your numbers, all must confess, that there are too many hands for the amount of labour which is at present to be done. In this state of things, I have a complete justification in the publication of EVERY WOMAN'S BOOK;" for it is eriminal to society, to yourselves individually, and to the beings newly produced, to produce them with no prospect but of misery for them; and with the certain prospects of adding to the misery of those already existing in misery. Still, by no means, do I confine your views to this point. Extend them in search of a better system of government, extend them every way and every where, and make yourselves both individually and collectively as morally, as physically, and as equally important and influential in the social scale, as any other class. I have always put the question of improved government before the check population system, and so I have found it with all other persons; but reject nothing that is auxiliary either to individual or general improvement. We have much yet to learn, before we become perfect or even generally happy, but let it be a first principle with us never to reject instruction in whatever shape it may come, or however it may clash with former prejudices. May 4, 1826.

RICHARD CARLILE,

THE TRIUMPH OF PERSEVERANCE.

ON Monday April 24, I recovered the undisposed of part of the seizure on my stock made in February, 1822. It was not in bulk equal to the first seizure, but, consisted of something more than five thousand books and pamphlets, in which there was a whole edition of the Character of a Priest. This recovery places my late persecutors in a very ridiculous light; for they have been compelled to give me back that for sale which they pronounced unfit for sale or illegal to be sold. The seizure and detention only was illegal, as the end of the matter has proved, and now this point will be tried by bringing an action against the Sheriff with all possible dispatch.

My next point is to obtain a good house and shop in Fleetstreet. This requires a thousand pounds, and will throw me upon the assistance of friends for loans on interest for a short period, or perhaps a year. This is, therefore, a notice to those, who think with me as to the utility of the matter, and who can and will assist. It is not to be expected, that I should be rich, after such a struggle as I have made. I am not rich; but I can, with pleasure, state my affairs to any one, and convince any one that my prospects are not excelled by any tradesman in London. That is to say, the state of my affairs offers as much security for a loan as that of any tradesman in London. R. C.

THE COBBETT CONTROVERSY.

To Richard Cartile, Esq.

SIR,

May 1, 1826. As a constant reader of your excellent Republican, which I have taken nearly from its commencement, I trust you will grant me a small portion of your next number to express my sentiments up on the above subject.

It cannot have escaped the observation of you, and your numerous readers and admirers, that the person whom Cobbett attacks are those who cannot reply to what he asserts: he, in general, aims at such men, as move in so elevated a circle, that they cannot, as he well knows, descend to reply to his slanderous imputations, consequently they are vented forth with impunity. In this instance, however, he has aimed at one fully capable of repelling his malignant and unfounded assertions, and of throwing back the abuse, with the utmost indignation, upon the head of the calumniator.

His attack upon you was uncalled for and unjust; you had done him no injury his sorenesss appears to have originated at your health having been cordially drank at what he is pleased to call his feast; the only assignable reason is, that he is so vain and ambitious, that he dislikes any contemporary to be treated with common respect, but, when he sees you eulogised by the company, then he begins to be choleric, and to shew the friendship of his disposition; and here I cannot help making an observation upon his egotism: the only person applauded in his Register is himself. No work is ever introduced to be praised-he is the only person upon whom panegyric is pronounced, his prophecies which he pretends to say are come to light, are sure to be pourtrayed and resounded in the most exaggerated terms-his failings are never pointed out; I never knew but one book spoken of in terms of praise (the name of which I forget), it is upon horse-hoeing husbandry, and from which he says he gained the principal of his agricultural knowledge, and of this there is an edition with copious notes, printed by himself, and which he hints is to be had at No. 183, Fleet-street.

Your "Every Woman's Book," he characterizes as the most beastly publication he ever heard of. Mark the term that he ever heard of; here I beg to say, that I have read the work from beginning to end, and I find nothing even indelicate, much less beastly in its nature: it certainly is not written in the coarse or vulgar strain in which he words his Register; he states, that it is an invitation to young women to prostitute their bodies previous to marriage. Cobbett's research is greater than mine, if he finds any such statement in it, and if such was the purport of the book, I should certainly say, that it could not be condemned in too severe terms; but