The Earl of Chatham answered, he did not forget; that he well knew they had been employed, for the necessary purpose of war, as he presumed, and not to be stretched far and wide for murder and massacre, and all their concomitant horrors: that if the previous use of them by the French, our natural enemy, and the inevitable necessities of our army, obliged us to employ them in military purposes to scour the country or cover our flanks, the general who commanded, and who acted. from those necessities, would account for them that he now appealed to him in that House, and called upon him to declare, whether the administration in that war had ever directed or authorized the use of the savages? Whether ever a line from office had given that measure an official or public sanction? He reminded the noble earl (Gower) that his lordship was not then in office; but that he himself, who had then the honour to be secretary of state, assured their lordships, administration never had justified or authorized that measure. : able to me; and I persuade myself that salutary effects must be the natural result of deliberation, conducted on such principles. You will ever find, that the favourite wish of my heart is, to promote and effectuate the common happiness and welfare of all my dominions." Debate in the Commons on the Address of Thanks.] The Commons being returned to their House, Lord Hyde rose for the purpose of moving an Address of Thanks. His lordship prefaced his motion by a panegyric on the prudence of government, the necessity of the war, and the good conduct of our commanders, who, notwithstanding some insinuations thrown out lately in the public prints, deserved our utmost confidence, and amply justified that hope which his Majesty as well as his ministers placed in their future exertions. He said, that the ense recidendum was not adopted until the views and actions of the Americans called loudly for the measure, and that he doubted not but the prudence of government would seize every opportunity to put a stop to the effusion of blood, when the honour, the dignity, or the interest of the nation would admit of such a desirable effort. His lordship concluded with moving the following Address: : "Most Gracious Sovereign, "We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain, in parliament assembled, beg leave to return your Majesty the humble thanks of this House, for your most gracious Speech from the throne. "Deeply interested in every event which tends to increase your Majesty's domestic felicity, and impressed with the liveliest sentiments of duty and attachment to the Queen; we beg leave to offer to your Majesty our congratulations on the birth of another princess, and on her Majesty's happy recovery. "We assure your Majesty, that we take a sincere part in the confidence which your Majesty expresses, that the conduct and courage of your officers, and the spirit and intrepidity of your forces, both by sea and land, will, under the Divine Providence, be attended with important success. But at the same time, we entirely concur with your Majesty in thinking, that it is necessary to prepare for such further operations, as future events, and the contin gencies of the war, may render expedient, And we learn, with much satisfaction, that your Majesty is, for that purpose, pursuing the proper measures for keeping your land forces complete to their present establishment. And whenever your Majesty shall be pleased to communicate to us any new engagements which you may have entered into for increasing your military force, we will take the same into our consideration and we trust your Majesty will not be disappointed in the gracious sentiments which you entertain of the zeal and public spirit of your faithful Com mons. "We are truly sensible, that your Majesty's constant care for the welfare of your people, and your generous concern for the happiness of mankind, dispose your Majesty to desire, that the peace of Europe may not be disturbed; but we acknowledge, with equal gratitude, your Majesty's attention to the security of your kingdoms, and the protection of the extensive commerce of your subjects, in having made a considerable augmentation to your naval force, on which the reputation and importance of this nation must ever principally depend; and we hear with the highest satisfaction, and rely with perfect confidence on your royal declaration, that your Majesty will always be the faithful guardian of the honour of the British crown. "We beg leave to assure your Majesty, that we will, without delay, enter into the consideration of the supplies for the ensuing year; and that we will cheerfully and effectually provide for all such expences as shall be found necessary for the welfare and essential interests of these kingdoms, and for the vigorous prosecution of the measures in which we are engaged for the re-establishment of that constitutional subordination, which, we trust, with the blessing of God, your Majesty will be able to maintain through the several parts of your dominions. "We acknowledge, with equal gratitude and admiration, your Majesty's paternal declaration, that you will be ever watchful for an opportunity of putting a stop to the effusion of the blood of your subjects, and the calamities of war. "Permit us to assure your Majesty, that we cannot but still entertain a hope, that the discernment of their true interests, the remembrance of the blessings they once enjoyed, and the sense of their present sufferings under the arbitrary tyranny of their leaders, will induce the deluded and unhappy multitude to return to their allegiance, and will re-animate their hearts with a spirit of loyalty to their sovereign, and of attachment to their mother coun try. "The gracious and condescending man. ner in which your Majesty expresses your desire, that you may be enabled to restore peace, order, and confidence to your Ame rican colonies, cannot fail of endearing your Majesty to the hearts of all your sub. jects; and we assure your Majesty, that when this great work can be accomplished, and settled on the true principles of the constitution, your Majesty may depend on the most zealous concurrence and support of your faithful Commons." Sir Gilbert Elliot, in seconding the motion, observed, that though he had not the honour of a seat in the House when the grand objects of the present unhappy war were under the discussion of parlia ment, yet he was well aware that they had been already viewed on both sides of the House in every light wherein they were capable of being seen. And, indeed, if they had not, it was perhaps now unneces sary to discuss them. The question was not now whether America was originally right or wrong; but whether she should or should not remain independent. And taking the case of the colonies as it now stands, he was astonished that any man, born and educated in Britain, could stand up in that House to express a sentiment contrary to the spirit of the measures adopted by government, and conveyed to us in the language of his Majesty's most gracious specch. He took occasion to introduce an observation on the present state of our trade and commerce; averring, that, so far from being diminished by the present contest, as might reasonably be feared, they were rather increased within the last twelve months. He heard nothing of our artisans being unemployed in any branch of trade in the kingdom; and, bating a little increase of luxury, which, upon the whole, was rather a thriving symptom, he believed the nation was in as flourishing a condition as at any period in his memory. He, in explicit terms, stigmatized those who were of an opposite opinion, as a set of people pervaded with the spirit of faction. The Marquis of Granby lamented the consequences which must fall upon this nation as well as upon the Americans from so unnatural a war. He seemed to take In October 1797, created a peer by the title of baron Minto. that so far from our succeeding every campaign, in his opinion the present mea an equal interest in the calamities it must bring upon both, and expressed the most ardent wish of employing the present mo-sures served only to lead to an eternity of ment to lay at least the ground-work of an war; that he could have no delight in the accommodation. The powers of Great intelligence of the success of either force, Britain had been exerted, during three as it must naturally be destructive of the successive campaigns, to obtain peace dearest interests of this country. He had with that continent by the point of the no objection to the congratulatory complisword; and flattering himself that the pre- ments to his Majesty contained in the Adsent moment of uncertainty, with respect dress, but wished heartily for the proposed to the success of our arms, was a most amendment, thinking it the only step that proper time for attempting to effect it by could lead to the wished for reconciliation. a measure of cordiality, he begged leave He did this with the greater readiness, as to move an Amendment, by inserting, he trusted it would be universally allowed after the words "to assure his Majesty, that the proposition came from the purest that," at the beginning of the third para- and most liberal motives; and as the young graph, these words, "this House does nobleman by whom it was offered was so most humbly advise and supplicate his circumstanced in point of fortune, family, Majesty to be pleased to cause the most and dignity, that it was impossible for any speedy and effectual measures to be taken cause to affect the state in general, withfor restoring peace in America; and that out having a similar effect with respect to no time may be lost, in proposing an im- him in particular. He then went into the mediate cessation of hostilities there, in conduct of the war during the three last order to the opening of a treaty for the campaigns, and from the little effect which final settlement of the tranquillity of those coercion had produced, as well as from invaluable provinces, by a removal of the the ties of humanity and relative duties, unhappy causes of this ruinous civil war, deduced the expediency of adopting the and by a just and adequate security against measures recommended in the motion. the return of the like calamities in times to come and this House desire to offer the most dutiful assurances to his Majesty, that they will, in due time, cheerfully cooperate with the magnanimity and tender goodness of his Majesty, for the preservation of his people, by such explicit and most solemn declarations and provisions of fundamental and irrevocable laws, as may be judged necessary for ascertaining and fixing for ever, the respective rights of Great Britain and her colonies." Governor Johnstone said, he must condemn the general and violent censure thrown out by the young member (sir G. Elliot) on those gentlemen who had maintained opinions different from his, for several years before he came into parliament, and who, at this day, found no reason to alter those opinions. He professed himself one of those gentlemen whom the young member had branded with the appellation of a faction, and to justify his sentiments, offered a variety of Lord John Cavendish seconded the reasons chiefly deduced from facts. He Amendment; and pointed out the incon- spoke strenuously of the merit of lord sistency of those sentiments of humanity Howe as a commander, not only from his in the King's Speech, which the measures conduct in the present war, but from his of administration so openly contradicted. own personal knowledge of him. The difHe said, that, for an ideal revenue of 5 or ficulties he must have met in his passage 600,000l., fifteen millions had been already from New York to the Elk were numeexpended; that great professions had been rous and immense; yet he understood this made from the throne two years back, of gallant officer, equipped as a what was to be done; but, instead of find- sailor, with a jacket and trowsers, went ing them fulfilled, he perceived that fal- himself into the boats, and with the plumb lere et effugere est triumphus with the mi- in his hands, conducted a large fleet up to nistry; for that last summer our coasts Chesapeak Bay, through shoals and obswarmed with the American privateers;structions, which it was thought by able and how much their force was dreaded by government, he could prove, being himself an eye witness of the fortification of Dublin harbour, which had never been deemed necessary before, even in a war with our natural and most inveterate enemies: : common officers were impracticable to get over. But he denied that any real advantage had been acquired by those great achievements; he denied that our trade was in a flourishing state: we had lost the Mediterranean trade, the African trade; and or even our home trade was invaded; for | mits to the House his state of the finances very lately a number of French bottoms of this kingdom, an account of the various had been employed to carry our own sums voted during the session, the ways goods from the river Thames; and as the and means he proposes of raising the young member must certainly be a man of supply, the certain and probable expences learning, he ought to have known that a of the year, and in general the revenues rise in the interest of money was a certain and resources of the empire. This first sign of the decay of trade. He said, that day of a session is still more interesting, the contest was now of such a nature, that and holds forth more important matter to both sides of the House, he had no doubt, our consideration. The session is reguacted from principle, in defence of their larly opened by a speech from the throne, different opinions. Heexhorted the House but, although pronounced by the king, it to be circumspect, in the step they were is parliamentary language always to stile it going to take, and not, without a ray of the speech of the minister, that in a fair information from the ministry, now give and full discussion of it, the sacred name the decisive vote to conquer or die! He of majesty may not be made use of to then gave a melancholy detail of the mi- controul or check that freedom of debate, litary operations of the present campaign, which is the essence, and constitutes the and particularly of general Burgoyne's great dignity, of an English House of defeat; and said that America was forced Commons. The minister, Sir, then, in the to declare her independence, in order to speech, gives us a general view of our sisecure foreign assistance. The governor, tuation both at home and abroad, the protherefore, drew as a conclusion, that, if bability of the continuance of war success was not to be derived from such peace, the state of foreign powers, so far commanders, there must be some inherent as they are likely to affect this empire; obstacle in the cause in which they em- and in short whatever has a relation to our barked, which could not be got over. internal security, or foreign connections Here, in a digression, he drew a sketch of with the allies of the crown. But, Sir, the state of Spain, under the reign of this is only the minister's coup d'oeil of Charles 5,-of his vast conquests in dif- the kingdom; his declaration of what he ferent parts of the globe, and his discove- thinks the actual situation of public afries of unknown countries, and contrasted fairs. It is a kind of ministerial chart, it with the abject and contemptible state which this House may adopt, or reject, at that mighty empire was hurried into by pleasure, and pursue the same, or a course, his son, in an ill-founded contest with the directly opposite. I thought it necessary, United States of Holland; and from which Sir, to premise this before I go into the it has never raised its head; that the latter examination of the paper on our table, prince was the first who found out funding, and I shall not scruple to avail myself of and afterwards broke the national engage- the right I claim, as one of the represenments he had thereby contracted. He tatives of the people, to treat that proobserved that the alarming situation of duction as containing merely a sketch of this country might be collected from the the minister's sentiments, as the substance present exorbitant interest of money, and of the political creed, which he wishes to that the trade of it was now in the hands be received by the nation. of government. He concluded with remarking, that all he wished, in order to accommodate the present differences, was to see America brought back to what she was at the end of the last war. Mr. Wilkes said: Mr. Speaker; by the established doctrine of parliament, I am authorized to consider the first day of a new session as peculiarly the day of the minister, perhaps more peculiarly so than even the important day towards the close of the session, which is regarded as the day of his triumph, and called his opening the budget. On that day the minister sub[VOL. XIX,] The Speech, Sir, in my idea, clearly conveys to this House a firm resolution, to continue this unnatural, unjust, and barbarous war, to our utter destruction. It breathes a spirit of unrelenting rage, cruelty and carnage, a savage thirst of blood. Yet the torrents of blood already shed, and the prodigious waste of national treasure, have hitherto been followed with no signal or splendid successes. In the third year of the war nothing decisive has happened. We are still bleeding at every vein to support this American contest, and I see no probability of a near and final period. We cannot but observe in the declaration of the minister, that perse[2 E] verance in error, that fatal obstinacy in the pursuance of this mischievous plan, which must end in the ruin of our country, and the complete establishment of another potent empire from the fragments of the British monarchy. Scarcely a Scarcely a faint gleam of hope dawns upon us. Ministers seem determined to rush on to only imaginary conquest, but certain irretrievable ruin; for if the war should be continued on the present wild and expensive plan, it will effectually bankrupt the nation. We are told, Sir, in the speech, that the minister has "a just confidence that the conduct and courage of our officers, and the spirit and intrepidity of our forces, both by sea and land, will be attended with important success." The high spirit and courage of Englishmen have never been doubted. Would to God, Sir, they were at this time exerted in a good cause, in a just and righteous quarrel! But, Sir, to this hour we know of no important success. We have scarcely a certainty of one favourable event of this year's campaign. Even the ministers tremble for the condition of general Burgoyne. I will however suppose, that every advantage, which the most sanguine friend of administration has propagated without proof, is at last authenticated, that Philadelphia is taken, and the army under general Washington totally defeated. Let us recollect, Sir, what passed after Boston was taken by the British forces. Our general was soon besieged in that capital of New England, ignominiously cooped up there many months with twenty regiments, and at last driven from thence. I know the colouring given to this retreat by the court party among us, and have been nauseated with the cant terms of our generals changing their quarters, and shifting their position; but I know likewise that their artillery and stores were left behind. All the military men of this country now confess that the retreat of general Howe from Boston was an absolute flight. I believe it was as much so, as that of Mahomet from Mecca. Should Philadelphia be taken, we have indeed one more American town in our possession, if it is not reduced to ashes by us, like several other towns and villages. Shall we be able to keep Philadelphia longer than we did Boston? Will not experience warrant me to suspect, that before the winter is over, we shall hear of general Howe's being besieged in Philadelphia, and at last retiring from thence with the loss of his heavy cannon, and war like stores, as he did from Boston? The I am aware, Sir, that it will be said, the |