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the army will more and more discover its possession of all vital power, and reveal itself ultimately in its true type, as a military democracy, an armed and exclusive constituency, and convert the French constitution into a régime of Mamelukes and Janizzaries. That the future fortunes of France may exhibit the phenomena of the decline of Rome is exceedingly probable, though, from the well ascertained operation of regular laws, the stages of this process of decay will be shorter, more rapid, and slightly different from the analogous course in antiquity. Meanwhile, it may be noted that Louis Napoleon has played his own part well for his own interests-possibly even for the interests of Franceand has exhibited a profound appreciation of his own position and the condition of his times and people, and a masterly tact in his management of the hidden wires. Throughout his whole action he has so exactly repeated the policy of Augustus, that it is difficult to repress the supposition that he had deliberately studied and imitated his arts. Yet the identity of positions and the similarity of natures might have generated spontaneously a surprising similarity of procedure.

These analogies exist in the great as well as in the more minute traits of character and incident. The affability and polish of Augustus are revived in Louis Napoleon; the heartlessness, which cunningly watches and uses its advan tage beneath the smiling graces of the exterior, belongs to both. The reserve, which dexterously affects the appearance of candour, is equally to be noticed in both. Each is alike impassive and imperturbable, pretending negligence and indifference while most assiduously pursuing his secret wiles. Each is equally self-confident, self-reliant and self-sustained, while apparently hesitating and anxious to secure extrinsic support. Each habitually sought the counsels of others, and followed without deviation and without regard to other views, his own predetermined plans. Each patiently waited the favourable crisis brought by the current of events, whose issue his complicated arts had long before contrived; and pretended to yield to the necessity of the moment, when the necessity itself had been anticipated and

occasioned by himself. Each carefully abstained from violence when it could be avoided, and sought by the circuitous process of intrigue the results which would have been less effectually achieved by more open natures by direct methods. Each seemed equally undiscouraged by temporary failure, and equally passionless in success; manifesting forbearance and almost generosity to their antagonists, moderate in the repression of opposition, and tolerant when toleration could be hazarded with safety. This conduct should give each the credit of sagacity, not of benevolence; it is the result of consummate prudence, not of good feeling. It indicates the absence of malice, but affords no assurance of natural gentleness.

The first coup d'état of Louis Napoleon-that of 2d December, 1851-exemplified all these traits, but it most especially displayed the vigorous decision of his actions, and the impenetrable secrecy with which they were veiled. All the multifarious, widely extended and complex preparations for the great blow, were made without being detected, and were concealed for a fortnight, until the minute for their execution had arrived. A few hours in the early morning were sufficient to place all the powers of the government and nation absolutely in the hands of the Prince President, and three men, by their energetic and unscrupulous movements, were able to secure the result. It was a remarkable and resolute stroke of policy, and may be justly compared with the ablest and boldest manœuvres of Octavius. In the measures adopted for transmuting the decennial Presidency, achieved by this licentious proceeding into a despotic sovereignty, Louis Napoleon closely imitated the intrigues by which his Roman model ascended the long and difficult grades which led him to absolute monarchy. The very name of Prince President was almost equivalent to that of Princeps. Imperator, first accepted by Octavius; the same term of ten years, which had been the limit for which the ancient imperium had been received, was that prescribed for the modern Presidency. It is true, Louis Napoleon cleared with larger strides the interval between a nominal republic and a real despotism; but then the French had lost the faculty of venera

tion, whilst the Romans had retained a superstitious and sanctimonious attachment to the effete forms of former freedom. The measures of Louis Napoleon, if somewhat diverse in appearance, were the same in principle as those adopted by Octavius. The progresses, reviews, displays and festivities of the one, constituted a legitimate counterpart to the provincial tours, episodical expeditions, spectacles and public buildings of the other. It was in absence from Rome, and by indirect influences brought to bear upon the public mind, that Octavius obtained the final powers which secured his ascendency; it was in absence from Paris, and by similar stratagems, that Louis Napoleon obtained the adhesion of the popular sentiment to his assumption of the Imperial title. Augustus "carefully abstained from claiming his uncle's title by virtue of descent." Napoleon III. with equal caution assured the courts of Europe that in taking his Imperial designation he did not pretend any right to the throne from inheritance, but derived his claim solely from the popular will. The Romans regarded the character of Augustus as one of the greatest enigmas of history, and he displayed his consciousness of the unfathomable mystery which shrouded his policy, by using the emblem of the sphinx as the device for his official seal. Louis Napoleon has abundantly proved himself to be an equally insoluble enigma to his contemporaries, and gives occasional indications of a similar consciousness of the general inability to appreciate his conduct. The Emperor Julian compared the consolidator of the Empire to a chameleon, so completely did he imbibe his hue from the surrounding colours; a future literary Emperor of France may apply the same simile to Napoleon III. But, notwithstanding all changes of external aspect, both these memorable sovereigns retained their inner nature unaltered, and pursued the uniform and even tenor of their way through all impediments and varieties of circumstance. The two intimate friends, advisers and instruments of Octavius, find their exact parallel in the French Court. Agrippa and Mæcenas are suitably resuscitated in M. de Morny and M. de Persigny. In both cases, master and men associate on the same terms of esteem, confidence and fa

miliarity; in both the monarch employs his ministers more ostensibly than himself, and neither rejects their counsel, nor submits to their direction. In neither instance was any violent control exercised over the thought and action of the serviceable friends, but they were allowed to retain and exhibit independence of sentiment within due limits by an equally circumscribed independency of conduct. It is also to be observed that Louis Napoleon, like Augustus, seems partial to new men for his officials, and recurs more freely to the services of former or even prospective opponents, than to the ancient nobility or those who have already won eminent distinction.

It is scarcely necessary, and would be barely decent, to chronicle or examine the gallantries of Louis Napoleon, or to make a public parade of the reputed debaucheries of his private hours. It is enough to allude to them, and to suggest a reference to the licentiousness of Augustus. Although, in a matter so purely dependent on personal idiosyncrasies, there would be no great interruption of the parallel if no resemblance could be fancied, it is strange that the twin potentates should have so closely followed the same career. There is a slight touch of similarity in the frivolous inconstancy with which Octavius received and divorced, and Louis Napoleon sought and resigned, successive matrimonial alliances; and, at last, in the very crisis of their tangled schemes, married most politically, though with apparent folly, for love.

In the intricate and complicated characters of the two men compared, there are many important traits which have been left unnoticed, and abundant materials still remain for a fuller and more minute parallelism. Our limits are, however, exhausted, and the suggestion of the leading resemblances is the only point of very great moment. After the analogy has been indicated, it may be easily pursued. Ce n'est que le premier pas qui coûte. The further prosecution of the task may be, without much regret, resigned to others. It is to be hoped, however, that enough has been said to justify a higher, if not a more favourable estimate of Louis Napoleon's character, and to save us from the repetition of

the crude imbecility of depreciation which has been so current hitherto. A truer and juster comprehension of his future policy and probable fortunes may be thus obtained, and those ridiculous and unfounded anticipations may be hereafter avoided, which the event so speedily dissipates, and which only demonstrate that in all ages there are, at least, four hundred false prophets for every true one. We do not venture to assert (for prophecy is not our rôle in such cases), that the enduring success and permanent dominion won by Octavius will be reserved for Louis Napoleon; but we do state, that if his character, motives, actions and prospects are studied, they must be elucidated by an attentive reference to the genius, career and times of Augustus. This is the sole burthen of our song.

ART. II.-POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF SOUTH-CAROLINA.

1. Constitution of the State of South-Carolina. June 3d,

1790.

2. Constitution of the United States of America. September 17th, 1787.

In a previous article,* entitled as above, an effort was made to illustrate, in brief terms, some of the prominent features in the structure of our society and government; and, in prosecution of the same design, we propose now to renew the subject on a more extended scale.

The learned Dr. Ferguson opens his essay on civil society with the following Analogy:

"Natural productions are generally formed by degrees. Vegetables are raised from a tender shoot, and animals from au infant state. The latter, being active, extend together their operations and their powers, and have a progress in what they perform, as well as in the faculties they acquire. This progress in the case of man is continued to a greater extent than in that of any other animal. Not only the individual advances from infancy to manhood, but the species itself from

* January, 1853-Art. 4.

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