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moved by the noble lord. I would even give a farther security to the permanent go prostrate myself at the foot of the enjoyment of the religious and civil rights throne, were it necessary, to testify my of my fellow-subjects; but while I do this, joy at any event which may promise to
must at the same time express my add to the domestic felicity of my sove strongest disapprobation of the address, reign, at any thing which may seem to and the fatal measures which it approves. me to endeavour its alleviation, by a free and I wbich bave reduced this late fourishing emupreserved communication of my sentiments. pire to ruio and contempt!" But yesterday,
In the first part of the Address, 1 have the and England might have stood against the honour of beartily concurring with the noble world ; now none so poor to do her reverence.” earl who moved it. No man feels sincerer joy I use the words of a poet; but though it be than I do ; none can offer more genuine con- poetry, it is no fiction. It is a shameful truth, gratulation on every accession of strength to that not only the power and strength of this the Protestant succession : I therefore join in country are wasting away and expiring ; but every congratulation on the birth of another her well-earned glories, her true honour, and princess, and the happy recovery of her Ma substantial dignity, are sacrificed. France, my jesty, Bu: I must stop here; my courtly lords, has insulted you ; she has encouraged complaisance will carry me no further : I will and sustained America ; and whetber America not join in congratulation on misfortune and be wrong or right, the dignity of this country disgrace : I cannot concur in a blind and ser- ought to spuro at the officious iosult of French vile Address, which approves, and endeavours interference. The ministers and ambassadors lo sanctity, the monstrous measures which of those wbo are called rebels and enemies, are bave heaped disgrace and misfortune upon us- in Paris; in Paris they transact the reciprocal which have brought ruin to our doors. This, interests of America and France. Cao there my lords, is a perilous and tremendous mo- be a more mortifying insult? Can even our ment! It is not a time for adulation. The ministers sustain a more humiliating disgrace? smoothness of Aattery cannot now avail-can. Do tbey dare to resent it? Do they piesume not save us in this rugged and awful crisis. It even to bint a vindication of their bonour, and is now necessary to instruct the throne in the the digoity of the state, by requiring the dislanguage of truth. We must dispel the delu- mission of the plenipotentiaries of America ? sious and the darkvess which envelope it; and Such is the degradation to wbich they have redisplay, in its full danger and true colours, the duced the glories of England! The people ruin that is brought to our doors.
whom they affect to call contemptible rebels, This, my lords, is our daty; it is the proper but whose growing power has at last obtained function of this noble assembly, sitting, as we the name of enemies; the people with whom do, upon our bonours in this House, the here- they have engaged ibis country in war, and ditary council of the crown: and who is the against whom they now commavd our implicit minister—where is the minister, that bas dared support in every measure of desperate hostito suggest to the throne the contrary, uncon- lity: this penple, despised as rebels, or acstitutional language this day delivered from it? knowledged as enemies, are abetted against
- The accustoined language from the throne you, supplied with every military store, their has been application to parliament for advice, interests consulted, and their ambassadors enand a reliance on its constitutional advice and tertained, by your inveterate enemy! and our assistance: as it is the right of parliament to ministers dare not interpose with dignity or give, so it is the duty of the crown to ask it. effect. Is this the honour of a great kingBut on this day, and in this extreme moment dom? Is this the indigoant spirit of England, ous exigency, no reliance is reposed on our who,“ but yesterday,” gave law 10 the House constitutional counsels! no advice is asked of Bourbon ? My lords, the dignity of nations from the sober and enlightened care of parlia- demands a decisive conduct in a situation like ment! But ihe crown, from itself, and by it- bis. Even when the greatest prince that per. self, declares an unalterable determination to haps this country ever saw filled our throne, pursue measures—and what measures, my the requisition of a Spanish general, on a similords ?—The measures that liave produced the lar subject, was attended to, and complied imminent perils that threaten us; the measures with; for, on the spirited remonstrance of the that have brought ruin to our doors.
duke of Alva, Elizabeth found herself obliged Can the mivister of the day now presume to to deny the Flemish exiles all countenance, expect a continuance of support, in this ruinous support, or even entrance into ber dominions; infatuation? Can parliament be so dead to its and the count le Marque, with his few despe dignity and its duty, as to be thus deluded into rate followers, was expelled the kingdom. the loss of the one, and the violation of the Happening to arrive at the Brille, and finding other ?--To give an unlimited credit and sup- it weak in defence, they made themselves masport for the steady perseverance in measures; ters of the place; and this was the foundation that is the word and the conduct-proposed for of the United Provinces. our parliamentary advice, but dictated and My lords, this ruinous, and ignominious si. forced upon us in measures, I say, my lords, tuation, where we cangut act with success, nor
My lords, it was customary for the King, | lords, what does this Speech say? It tells on similar occasions, not to lead parlia- you of measures already agreed upon, and ment, but to be guided by it. It was
as very cavalierly desires your concurrence. usual, I say, my lords, to ask the advice It, indeed, talks of wisdom and support; of this House, the hereditary great council it counts on the certainty of events yet of the nation, not to dictate to it. My in the womb of time; but in point of plan
suffer with honour, calls upon us to remonstrate Your own army is infected with the contain the strongest and loudest language of truth, gion of these illiberal allies. The spirit of to rescue the ear of Majesty from the delusions plunder and of rapine is gone forth among which surround it. The desperate state of our ihem. I know it--and notwithstanding what arms abroad is in part known: no man thinks the noble earl, who moved the Address, has more highly of them than I do: 1 love and given as his opinion of our American army, I honour the English troops: I kuow their vir- know from authentic information, and the inost tues and their valour: I know they can achieve experienced officers, that our discipline is any thing except impossibilities; and I know deeply wounded. Whilst this is notoriously that the conquest of English America is an our sinking situation, America grows and impossibility. You cannot, I venture to say it, Aourishes : whilst our strength and discipline you cannot conquer America. Your armies are lowered, theirs are rising and improving, last war effected every thing that could be ef- But, my lords, who is the man, that in adfected; and what was it? It cost a numerous dition to these disgraces and mischiefs of our army, under the cominand of a most able ge- army, has dared to authorise and associate to neral, (sir Jeffery Amherst), now a noble Jord our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of in this House, a long and laborious campaign, the savage ? To call into civilized alliance, to expel 5,000 Frenchmen from French Ame the wild and inbuman savage of the woods; to rica.' My lords, you cannot conquer America. delegate to the merciless Indian the defence What is your present situation there? We do of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of not know the worst; but we know, that in his barbarous war against our brethren ? My three campaigns we have done nothing and lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress suffered much. Besides the sufferings, per- and punishment ; unless thoroughly done baps total loss, of tbe northern force *; the away, it will be a stain on the national characbest appointed army that ever took the field, ter—it is a violation of the coustitution, I becommanded by sir William Howe, has retired lieve it is against law. It is not the least of from the American lines; be was obliged to our national misfortunes, that the strength and relinquish his attempt, and with great delay character of our army are thus impaired; inaud danger, to adopt a pew and distant plan of fected with the mercenary spirit of robbery operations. We shall soon know, and in any and rapine–familiarized to the horrid scenes event have reason to lament, what may have of savage cruelty, it can no longer boast of the happened since. As to conquest, therefore, noble and generous principles which digoify a my lords, I repeat, it is impossible. You may soldier ; no longer sympathize with the dig. swell every expence, and every effort, still nity of the royal banner, por feel the pride, more extravagantly ; pile and accumulate every pomp, and circumstance of glorious war, " that assistance you can buy or borrow; traffic and make ambition virtue!” What makes ambibarter with every little pitiful German prince, tion virtue ?—the sense of honour. But is the that sells and sends bis subjects to the shambles sense of honour consistent with a spirit of of a foreign prince; your efforts are for ever plunder, or the practice of murder? 'Can it vain and impotent-doubly so from this mer- flow from mercenary motives, or can it prompt cenary aid on wbich you rely; for it irritates, to cruel deeds ? Besides these murderers and to an incurable reseniment, ihe minds of your planderers, let me ask our ininisters, what enemies-lo over-run them with the merce- other allies have they acquired? What ouber nary sons of rapine and plunder; devoting powers bave they associated to their cause ? them and their possessions to the rapacity of Have they entered into alliance with the king bireling cruelty! If I were an American, as I of the gypsies ? Nothing, my lords, is too low am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was or too ludicrous to be consistent with their landed in my country, I never would lay down counsels. my arms-never-never-Dever.
The independent views of America have
been stated and asserted as the foundation of * " General Burgoyne's army. The his. tbis Address. My Jords, no man wishes for the tory of it is short: most of its bravest officers due dependence of America on this country fell; and about half its numbers; the rest sur- more than I do. To preserve it, and not conrendered to the enemy on the 17th of October, firm that state of independence into which your 1777. See the Gazettes. The account of this measures hitherto have driven them, is the ob. total loss, as the noble speaker's prescience ject which we ought to unite in attaining. The expressed it on the 18th of November, arrived Americans, contending for their rights against in England in the beginning of December.” the arbitrary exactions, I love and admire ; it Bayd.
is the struggle of free and virtuous patriots : and design it is peremptory and dictatorial. liament, justified by any former conduct Is this a proper language to be used or precedent prediction ? No, my lords, it to your lordships? Is this a language is the language of an ill-founded confifit to be endured? Is this high pretension dence; a confidence, my lords, I will be to over-rule the dispositions of Providence bold to say, supported hitherto only by a itself, and the will and judgment of par. succession of disappointments, disgraces, bat contending for independency and total dis- and commerce of all her subjects, is necessary connection from England, as an Englishman, I for the mutual benefit and preservation of every cannot wish them success : for, in a due con- part, to constitute and preserve the prosperous stitutional dependency, including the ancient arrangement of the whole empire. supremacy of this country in regulating their The sound parts of America, of which I coinmerce and navigation, consists the mutual have spoken, must be sensible of these great happiness and prosperity both of Englapd and truths, and of their real interests. America is America. She derived assistance and protection not in that state of desperate and contemptible from us; and we reaped from her the most im- rebellion, which this country has been deporladt advantages :-she was, indeed, the luded to believe. It is not a wild and lawless fountain of our wealth, the perve of our strength, banditti, who having nothing to lose, might hope the nursery and basis of our naval power. It to snatch something from public convulsions; is our duty, therefore, my lords, if we wish to many of their leaders and great men have a save our country, most seriously to endeavour great stake in this great contest :- the gentlethe recovery of these most beneficial subjects : man who conducts their armies, I am told, has and in this perilous crisis, perhaps the present an estate of 4 or 5,000l. a year: and when I moment may be the only one in wbich we can consider these things, I cannot but lament the kope for success : for in their pegociations with inconsiderate violence of our penal acts, our deFrance, they have, or think they have, reason clarations of treason and rebellion, with all the to complain : though it be notorious that they fatal effects of attainder and confiscation. bave received from that power important sup- As to the disposition of foreign powers, which plies and assistance of various kinds, yet it is is asserted in the Speech from the throne to be certain they expected it in a more decisive and pacific and friendly, let us judge, my lords, raimmediate degree. America is in ill humour ther by their actions and the nature of things, with France, ou some points that have not en- than by interested assertions. The uniform tirely answered her expectations : let us wisely assistance, supplied to America by France, take advantage of every possible moment of re- suggests a different conclusion :--the most conciliation. Besides, the natural disposition important interests of France, in aggrandizing of America herself still leans towards Eng. and enriching herself with what she most wants, land ; to the old habits of connection and mu- supplies of every naval store from America, tual interest that united both countries. This must inspire her with different sentiments, was the established sentiment of all the con. The extraordinary preparations of the House tinent; and still, my lords, in the great and of Bourbon, by land and by sea, from Dunkirk principal part, the sound part of America, this to the Streights, equally ready and willing to wise and affectionate disposition prevails; and overwhelm these defenceless islands, should there is a very considerable part of America rouse us to a sense of their real disposition, and yet sound--the middle and the southern pro- our own danger. Not 5,000 troops in Engfinces ; some parts may be factious and blind land !---hardly 3,000 in Ireland! What can we to their true interests ; but if we express a wise oppose to the combined force of our enemies ? and benevolent disposition to communicate with Scarcely 20 ships of the line fully or sufficiently them those immutable rights of nature, and manded, that any admiral's reputation would those coustitutional liberties, to which they are permit him to take the command of. The river equally entitled with ourselves ; by a conduct of Lisbon in the possession of our enemies ! 80 just and humane, we shall confirm the fa- ---The seas swept by American privateers: our vourable and conciliate the adverse. I say, my channel trade torn to pieces by them! in this lords, the rights and liberties to which they are complicated crisis of danger, weakness at home, equally entitled with onrselves, but no more. and calamity abroad, terrified and insulted by I would participate to them every enjoyment the neighbouring powers,---unable to act in and freedom which the colonizing subjects of America, or acting only to be destroyed ;-~a free state can possess, or wish to possess; where is the man with the forehead to promise and I do not see why they should not enjoy or hope for success in such a situation? or, every fundamental right in their property, and from perseverance in the measures that have every original substantial liberty, which Devon-driven us to it? Who has the forehead to do shire or Surrey, or the county I live in, or any so? Where is that man? I should be glad to other county in England, can claim; resery. see his face. ing always, as the sacred right of the mother You cannet conciliate America by your precountry, the due constitutional dependency of sent measures---you cannot subdue her by your the colonies. The inberent supremacy of the present, or by any measures. What, then, can state in regulating and protecting the navigation you do? You cannot conquer, you cannot gain, and defeats. I am astonished how any but an unlimited confidence in those who minister dare advise his Majesty to hold have hitherto misguided, deceived, and such a language to your lordships. I misled you? It is, I maintain, unlimited; would be glad to see the minister that dare it desires you to grant, not what you may avow it in his place. What is the import be satisfied is necessary, but what his Maof this extraordinary application? What jesty's ministers may chuse to think so: but you can address ; you can loll the fears and pose to you an Amendment to the Address to anxieties of the moment into an ignorance of his Majesty, to be inserted immediately after the danger that should produce them. But, the two first paragraphs of congratulation on my lords, the time demands the language of the birth of a princess: to recommend an imtruth :---we must not now apply the flattering mediate cessation of hostilities, and the comunction of servile compliance, or blind com. mencement of a treaty to restore peace and liplaisauce. In a just and necessary war, to berty to America, strength and happiness to maintain the rights or honour of my country, I England, security and permanent prosperity to would strip the shirt from my back to support both countries. This, my lords, is yet in our it. But in such a war as this, unjust in its power; and let not the wisdom and justice of principle, impracticable in its means, and ruin your lordships neglect the happy, and perhaps ous in its consequences, I would not contribute the only opportunity. By the establishment a single effort, por a single shilling. I do not of recoverable law, founded on mutual rights, call for vengeance on the heads of those who and ascertained by treaty, these glorious enhave been guilty; I only recommend to them joyments may be firmly perpetuated. And let to make their retreat: let them walk off; and me repeat to your lordships, that the strong let them inake haste, or they may be as. bias of America, at least of the wise and sounder sured that speedy and condign punishment will parts of it, naturally inclines to this happy overtake them.
and constitutional re-connection with you. My lords, I have submitted to you, with the Notwithstanding the temporary iutrigues with freedom and truth which I think my duty, my France, we may still be assured of their ansentiments on your present awful situation. I cient and confirmed partiality to us. America have laid before you, the ruin of your power,
and France cannot be congenial; there is somethe disgrace of your reputation, the pollution thing decisive and confirmed in the honest of your discipline, the contamination of your American, that will not assimilate to the futility morals, the complication of calamities, foreign and levity of Frenchmen. and domestic, that overwlielm your sinking. My lords, to encourage and confirm that country. Your dearest interests, your own innate inclination to this country, founded on liberties, the constitution itself, totters to the every principle of affection, as well as confoundation. All this disgraceful danger, this sideration of interest-to restore that favourmultitude of misery, is the monstrous offspring able disposition into a permanent and powerof this unnatural war. We have been deceived ful reunion with this country-to revive the and deluded too long : let us now stop short: mutual strength of the empire ;-again, to this is the crisis--- may be the only crisis, of awe the House of Bourbon, instead of weanly time and situation, to give us a possibility of truckling, as our present calamities compel us, escape from the fatal effects of our delusions. to every insult of French caprice, and Spanish But if in an obstinate and infatuated persever- punctilio-to re-establish our commerce-to ance in folly we slavishly echo the peremptory | re-assert our rights and our honour-to confirm worils this day presented to us, nothing can our interests, and renew our glories for ever (a save this devoied country from complete and consummation most devoutly to be endeavourfinal ruin. We madly rush into multiplied ed! and which, I trust, may yet arise from remiseries and “ confusion worse confounded." conciliation with America)—I have the honour
Is it possible, can it be believed, that mi- of submitting to you the following Amend. nisters are yet blind to this impending destruc-ment; which I move to be inserted after tbe tion?-I did hope, that instead of this false two first paragraphs of the Address. and empty vanity, this over-weening pride, engendering bigb conceits, and presumptuous In the course of the debate, lord Suffolk, imaginations—that ministers would have hum. secretary of state for the northern department, bled themselves in their errors, would have undertook to defend the employment of tbe confessed and retracted them, and by an ac. Jodians in the war. His lordship contended, tive, though a late repentance, bave endea- that, besides its policy and necessity, the meavoured to redeem them. But, my lords, since sure was also allowable on principle; for that they had neither sagacity to foresee, por jus- “ it was perfectly justifiable to use all the tice nor buinanity to shun, these oppressive means thai God and nature put into our bands." calamities :
: since, not even severe experience Upon this, cap anake them feel, nor the imminent ruio of
The Earl of Chatham rose again : their country awaken them from their stupe. tacion, the guardiau care of parliament must I am astonished ! (exclaimed he) shocked! interpose. I shall, therefore, my lords, pro. to hear such principles confessed to bear
troops, fleets, treaties, and subsidies, not to tell the King, that his affairs are in a yet revealed. Should your lordships agree prosperous condition ? and who, of course, to the present address, you will stand is the author of those assurances, which pledged to all this; you cannot retreat ; it are this day given you, in order to mislead binds you to the consequences, be they you? what they may
My lords, what is the present state of My lords, whoever gave this pernicious this nation? It is big with difficulty and counsel to the King, ought to be made danger; it is full of the most destructive answerable to this House, and to the na- circumstances : I say, my lords, it is truly tion at large, for the consequences. The perilous. What are these little islands, precedent is dangerous and unconstitu- Great Britain and Ireland ? What is your tional. Who, 1 say, has had the temerity defence? Nothing. What is the condition
of your formidable and inveterate enemies, them avowed in this House, or in this coun
the two leading branches of the House of try: principles equally unconstitutional, inbu- Bourbon? They have a formidable navy; man, and auchristian!
I say, my lords, their intentions are hösMy lords, I did not intend to have encroach tile. I know it. Their coasts are lined ed again upon your attention ; but I cannot with troops, from the furthermost part of repress iny indignation--] feel myself impelled the coast of Spain up to Dunkirk. 'What by every duty. My lords, we are called upon have you to oppose them? Not 5,000 men as members of this House, as men, as Christian inen, to protest against such notions stand- of his country. In vain he led your victorious ing near the throne, pollating the ear of ma- fleets against the boasted Armaila of Spain; in jesty. “ That God and nature put into our vain he defended and established the hononr, hands.” I koow not what ideas that lord may the liberties, the religion, the Protestant reli. entertain of God and nature ; but I know that gion, of this country, against the arbitrary such abominable principles are equally abhor- cruelties of Popery and the Inquisition, if these rent to religion and humanity. What! to at- more than popish cruelties and inquisitorial tribute the sacred sanction of God and nature practices are let loose among us; to turn forik to the massacres of the Indian scalping-knife into our settlements, among our ancient conto the cannibal savage torturing, murdering, nexions, friends, and relations, the merciless roasting, and eating; literally, my lords, eat- cannibal, thirsting for the blood of man, woing the mangled victims of his barbarous bat- | man, and child ! to send forth the infidel satles! Such horrible notions shock every pre- vage-against whom? against your Protestant cept of religion, divine or natural, and every brethren; to lay waste their country, to desogenerous feeling of humanity. And, my lords, late their dwellings, and extirpate their race they shock every sentiment of honour; they and naine, with these horrible bell-bounds of shock me as a lover of honourable war, and a savage war!-hell-hounds, I say, of savage detester of murderous barbarity.
war. Spain armed herself with blood-hounds These abominable principles, and this more to extirpate the wretched natives of America ; abominable avowal of them, demand the most and we improve on the inhuman example even decisive indignation. I call upon that right of Spanish cruelty; we turn loose these savage reverend bench, those holy ministers of the hell-hounds against our brethren and country, gospel, and pious pastors of our church; I men in America, of the same language, laws, conjure them to join in the holy work, and liberties, and religion ; endeared to us by every vindicate the religion of their God: I appeal to tye that should sanctify humanity. the wisdom and ibie law of this learned bench, My lords, this awful subject, so important to defend and support the justice of their coun. to our honour, our constirution, and our relitry: I call upon the bishops, to interpose the gion, demands the most solemn and effectual unsullied sanctity of their lawn ;-upon the enquiry. And I again call upon your lordlearned judges, to interpose the purity of their ships, and the united powers of the state, to ermine, to save us from this pollution: I call examine it thoroughly and decisively, and to upon the hovour of your lordships, to rever- stamp upon it an indelille stigma of the public ence the dignity of your ancestors, and to abhorrence. And I again implore those holy maintain your own : I call upon the spirit and prelates of our religion, to do away these inihumanity of my country, to vindicate the na- quities from among ns. Let them perform a tional character: I. invoke the genius of the bustration; let them purify this House, and constitution. From the tapestry that adorns this country, from this sin. these walls, the immortal ancestor of this noble My lords, I am old and weak, and at
prelord* frowns with indignation at the disgrace sent unable to say more; but my feelings and
indignation were too strong to have said less. • Lord Effingham.-Lord Effingham How- I could not have slept this night in my bed, ard was Lord High Admiral of England against nor reposed my head on my pillow, wibout the Spanish Armada; the destruction of which giving this veni to my eternal abhorrence of is represented in the tapestry.
such preposterous and enormous principles. [VOL. XIX.]
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