moved by the noble lord. I would even me to endeavour its alleviation, by a free and This, my lords, is our duty; it is the proper function of this noble assembly, sitting, as we do, upon our honours in this House, the hereditary council of the crown: and who is the minister-where is the minister, that has dared to suggest to the throne the contrary, unconstitutional language this day delivered from it? -The accustomed language from the throne has been application to parliament for advice, and a reliance on its constitutional advice and assistance: as it is the right of parliament to give, so it is the duty of the crown to ask it. But on this day, and in this extreme momentous exigency, no reliance is reposed on our constitutional counsels! no advice is asked from the sober and enlightened care of parliament! But the crown, from itself, and by itself, declares an unalterable determination to pursue measures-and what measures, my lords?-The measures that have produced the imminent perils that threaten us; the measures that have brought ruin to our doors. Can the minister of the day now presume to expect a continuance of support, in this ruinous infatuation? Can parliament be so dead to its dignity and its duty, as to be thus deluded into the loss of the one, and the violation of the other?-To give an unlimited credit and support for the steady perseverance in measures; that is the word and the conduct-proposed for our parliamentary advice, but dictated and forced upon us-in measures, I say, my lords, give a farther security to the permanent My lords, this ruinous and ignominious situation, where we cannot act with success, nor My lords, it was customary for the King, on similar occasions, not to lead parliament, but to be guided by it. It was usual, I say, my lords, to ask the advice of this House, the hereditary great council of the nation, not to dictate to it. My suffer with honour, calls upon us to remonstrate in the strongest and loudest language of truth, to rescue the ear of Majesty from the delusions which surround it. The desperate state of our arms abroad is in part known: no man thinks more highly of them than I do: I love and honour the English troops: I know their virtues and their valour: I know they can achieve any thing except impossibilities; and I know that the conquest of English America is an impossibility. You cannot, I venture to say it, you cannot conquer America. Your armies last war effected every thing that could be effected; and what was it? It cost a numerous army, under the command of a most able general, (sir Jeffery Amherst), now a noble lord in this House, a long and laborious campaign, to expel 5,000 Frenchmen from French Ame rica. My lords, you cannot conquer America. What is your present situation there? We do not know the worst; but we know, that in three campaigns we have done nothing and suffered much. Besides the sufferings, perhaps total loss, of the northern force *; the best appointed army that ever took the field, commanded by sir William Howe, has retired from the American lines; he was obliged to relinquish his attempt, and with great delay and danger, to adopt a new and distant plan of operations. We shall soon know, and in any event have reason to lament, what may have happened since. As to conquest, therefore, my lords, I repeat, it is impossible.-You may swell every expence, and every effort, still more extravagantly; pile and accumulate every assistance you can buy or borrow; traffic and barter with every little pitiful German prince, that sells and sends his subjects to the shambles of a foreign prince; your efforts are for ever vain and impotent-doubly so from this mercenary aid on which you rely; for it irritates, to an incurable resentment, the minds of your enemies to over-run them with the mercenary sons of rapine and plunder; devoting them and their possessions to the rapacity of hireling cruelty! If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I never would lay down my arms-never-never-never. * "General Burgoyne's army. The history of it is short: most of its bravest officers fell; and about half its numbers; the rest surrendered to the enemy on the 17th of October, 1777. See the Gazettes. The account of this total loss, as the noble speaker's prescience expressed it on the 18th of November, arrived in England in the beginning of December." Boyd. lords, what does this Speech say? It tells you of measures already agreed upon, and very cavalierly desires your concurrence. It, indeed, talks of wisdom and support; it counts on the certainty of events yet in the womb of time; but in point of plan Your own army is infected with the contagion of these illiberal allies. The spirit of plunder and of rapine is gone forth among them. I know it-and notwithstanding what the noble earl, who moved the Address, has given as his opinion of our American army, I know from authentic information, and the most experienced officers, that our discipline is deeply wounded. Whilst this is notoriously our sinking situation, America grows and flourishes: whilst our strength and discipline are lowered, theirs are rising and improving. But, my lords, who is the man, that in addition to these disgraces and mischiefs of our army, has dared to authorise and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage? To call into civilized alliance, the wild and inhuman savage of the woods; to delegate to the merciless Indian the defence of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment; unless thoroughly done away, it will be a stain on the national character-it is a violation of the constitution-I believe it is against law. It is not the least of our national misfortunes, that the strength and character of our army are thus impaired; infected with the mercenary spirit of robbery and rapine-familiarized to the horrid scenes of savage cruelty, it can no longer boast of the noble and generous principles which dignify a soldier; no longer sympathize with the dignity of the royal banner, nor feel the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war, "that make ambition virtue!" What makes ambition virtue ?-the sense of honour. But is the sense of honour consistent with a spirit of plunder, or the practice of murder? Can it flow from mercenary motives, or can it prompt to cruel deeds? Besides these murderers and plunderers, let me ask our ministers, what other allies have they acquired? What other powers have they associated to their cause? Have they entered into alliance with the king of the gypsies? Nothing, my lords, is too low or too ludicrous to be consistent with their counsels. The independent views of America have been stated and asserted as the foundation of this Address. My lords, no man wishes for the due dependence of America on this country more than I do. To preserve it, and not confirm that state of independence into which your measures hitherto have driven them, is the object which we ought to unite in attaining. The Americans, contending for their rights against the arbitrary exactions, I love and admire; it is the struggle of free and virtuous patriots: and design it is peremptory and dictatorial. | liament, justified by any former conduct Is this a proper language to be used or precedent prediction? No, my lords, it to your lordships? Is this a language is the language of an ill-founded confifit to be endured? Is this high pretension dence; a confidence, my lords, I will be to over-rule the dispositions of Providence bold to say, supported hitherto only by a itself, and the will and judgment of par- succession of disappointments, disgraces, and commerce of all her subjects, is necessary for the mutual benefit and preservation of every part, to constitute and preserve the prosperous arrangement of the whole empire. The sound parts of America, of which I have spoken, must be sensible of these great truths, and of their real interests. America is not in that state of desperate and contemptible rebellion, which this country has been deluded to believe. It is not a wild and lawless banditti, who having nothing to lose, might hope to snatch something from public convulsions; many of their leaders and great men have a great stake in this great contest :-the gentleman who conducts their armies, I am told, has an estate of 4 or 5,000l. a year: and when I consider these things, I cannot but lament the inconsiderate violence of our penal acts, our declarations of treason and rebellion, with all the fatal effects of attainder and confiscation. but contending for independency and total disconnection from England, as an Englishman, I cannot wish them success: for, in a due constitutional dependency, including the ancient supremacy of this country in regulating their commerce and navigation, consists the mutual happiness and prosperity both of England and America. She derived assistance and protection from us; and we reaped from her the most important advantages :-she was, indeed, the fountain of our wealth, the nerve of our strength, the nursery and basis of our naval power. It is our duty, therefore, my lords, if we wish to save our country, most seriously to endeavour the recovery of these most beneficial subjects: and in this perilous crisis, perhaps the present moment may be the only one in which we can hope for success: for in their negociations with France, they have, or think they have, reason to complain: though it be notorious that they have received from that power important sup- As to the disposition of foreign powers, which plies and assistance of various kinds, yet it is is asserted in the Speech from the throne to be certain they expected it in a more decisive and pacific and friendly, let us judge, my lords, raimmediate degree. America is in ill humour ther by their actions and the nature of things, with France, ou some points that have not en- than by interested assertions. The uniform tirely answered her expectations: let us wisely assistance, supplied to America by France, take advantage of every possible moment of re- suggests a different conclusion:---the most conciliation. Besides, the natural disposition important interests of France, in aggrandizing of America herself still leans towards Eng. and enriching herself with what she most wants, Jand; to the old habits of connection and mu- supplies of every naval store from America, tual interest that united both countries. This must inspire her with different sentiments. was the established sentiment of all the con- The extraordinary preparations of the House tinent; and still, my lords, in the great and of Bourbon, by land and by sea, from Dunkirk principal part, the sound part of America, this to the Streights, equally ready and willing to wise and affectionate disposition prevails; and overwhelm these defenceless islands, should there is a very considerable part of America rouse us to a sense of their real disposition, and yet sound--the middle and the southern pro- our own danger. Not 5,000 troops in Engvinces; some parts may be factious and blind land!---hardly 3,000 in Ireland! What can we to their true interests; but if we express a wise oppose to the combined force of our enemies? and benevolent disposition to communicate with Scarcely 20 ships of the line fully or sufficiently them those immutable rights of nature, and manned, that any admiral's reputation would those constitutional liberties, to which they are permit him to take the command of. The river equally entitled with ourselves; by a conduct of Lisbon in the possession of our enemies! so just and humane, we shall confirm the fa----The seas swept by American privateers: our vourable and conciliate the adverse. I say, my channel trade torn to pieces by them! in this lords, the rights and liberties to which they are complicated crisis of danger, weakness at home, equally entitled with ourselves, but no more. and calamity abroad, terrified and insulted by I would participate to them every enjoyment the neighbouring powers,--unable to act in and freedom which the colonizing subjects of America, or acting only to be destroyed ;--a free state can possess, or wish to possess ; where is the man with the forehead to promise and I do not see why they should not enjoy or hope for success in such a situation? or, every fundamental right in their property, and from perseverance in the measures that have every original substantial liberty, which Devon-driven us to it? Who has the forehead to do shire or Surrey, or the county I live in, or any so? Where is that man? I should be glad to other county in England, can claim ; reserv- see his face. ing always, as the sacred right of the mother country, the due constitutional dependency of the colonies. The inherent supremacy of the state in regulating and protecting the navigation You cannot conciliate America by your present measures---you cannot subdue her by your present, or by any measures. What, then, can you do? You cannot conquer, you cannot gain, and defeats. I am astonished how any minister dare advise his Majesty to hold such a language to your lordships. I would be glad to see the minister that dare avow it in his place. What is the import of this extraordinary application? What but you can address; you can lull the fears and anxieties of the moment into an ignorance of the danger that should produce them. But, my lords, the time demands the language of truth :---we must not now apply the flattering unction of servile compliance, or blind complaisauce. In a just and necessary war, to maintain the rights or honour of my country, I would strip the shirt from my back to support it. But in such a war as this, unjust in its principle, impracticable in its means, and ruinous in its consequences, I would not contribute a single effort, nor a single shilling. I do not call for vengeance on the heads of those who have been guilty; I only recommend to them to make their retreat: let them walk off; and let them make haste, or they may be assured that speedy and condign punishment will overtake them. but an unlimited confidence in those who have hitherto misguided, deceived, and misled you? It is, I maintain, unlimited; it desires you to grant, not what you may be satisfied is necessary, but what his Majesty's ministers may chuse to think so: pose to you an Amendment to the Address to his Majesty, to be inserted immediately after the two first paragraphs of congratulation on the birth of a princess: to recommend an immediate cessation of hostilities, and the commencement of a treaty to restore peace and liberty to America, strength and happiness to England, security and permanent prosperity to both countries. This, my lords, is yet in our power; and let not the wisdom and justice of your lordships neglect the happy, and perhaps the only opportunity. By the establishment of recoverable law, founded on mutual rights, and ascertained by treaty, these glorious enjoyments may be firmly perpetuated. And let me repeat to your lordships, that the strong bias of America, at least of the wise and sounder parts of it, naturally inclines to this happy and constitutional re-connection with you. Notwithstanding the temporary intrigues with France, we may still be assured of their ancient and confirmed partiality to us. America and France cannot be congenial; there is something decisive and confirmed in the honest American, that will not assimilate to the futility and levity of Frenchmen. My lords, I have submitted to you, with the freedom and truth which I think my duty, my sentiments on your present awful situation. I have laid before you, the ruin of your power, the disgrace of your reputation, the pollution of your discipline, the contamination of your morals, the complication of calamities, foreign and domestic, that overwhelm your sinking My lords, to encourage and confirm that country. Your dearest interests, your own innate inclination to this country, founded on liberties, the constitution itself, totters to the every principle of affection, as well as confoundation. All this disgraceful danger, this sideration of interest-to restore that favourmultitude of misery, is the monstrous offspring able disposition into a permanent and powerof this unnatural war. We have been deceived ful reunion with this country-to revive the and deluded too long: let us now stop short: mutual strength of the empire;-again, to this is the crisis--may be the only crisis, of awe the House of Bourbon, instead of meanly time and situation, to give us a possibility of truckling, as our present calamities compel us, escape from the fatal effects of our delusions. to every insult of French caprice, and Spanish But if in an obstinate and infatuated persever-punctilio-to re-establish our commerce-to ance in folly we slavishly echo the peremptory words this day presented to us, nothing can save this devoted country from complete and final ruin. We madly rush into multiplied miseries and confusion worse confounded." Is it possible, can it be believed, that ministers are yet blind to this impending destruction?-I did hope, that instead of this false and empty vanity, this over-weening pride, engendering high conceits, and presumptuous imaginations-that ministers would have humbled themselves in their errors, would have confessed and retracted them, and by an active, though a late repentance, have endeavoured to redeem them. But, my lords, since they had neither sagacity to foresee, nor justice nor humanity to shun, these oppressive calamities: since, not even severe experience can make them feel, nor the imminent ruin of their country awaken them from their stupefaction, the guardian care of parliament must interpose. I shall, therefore, my lords, pro re-assert our rights and our honour-to confirm our interests, and renew our glories for ever (a consummation most devoutly to be endeavoured! and which, I trust, may yet arise from reconciliation with America)-I have the honour of submitting to you the following Amendment; which I move to be inserted after the two first paragraphs of the Address. In the course of the debate, lord Suffolk, secretary of state for the northern department, undertook to defend the employment of the Indians in the war. His lordship contended, that, besides its policy and necessity, the measure was also allowable on principle; for that "it was perfectly justifiable to use all the means that God and nature put into our hands." Upon this, The Earl of Chatham rose again: I am astonished! (exclaimed he) shocked! to hear such principles confessed to hear troops, fleets, treaties, and subsidies, not yet revealed. Should your lordships agree to the present address, you will stand pledged to all this; you cannot retreat; it binds you to the consequences, be they what they may. My lords, whoever gave this pernicious counsel to the King, ought to be made answerable to this House, and to the nation at large, for the consequences. The precedent is dangerous and unconstitutional. Who, I say, has had the temerity them avowed in this House, or in this country: principles equally unconstitutional, inhu man, and unchristian! to tell the King, that his affairs are in a prosperous condition? and who, of course, is the author of those assurances, which are this day given you, in order to mislead you? I My lords, what is the present state of this nation? It is big with difficulty and danger; it is full of the most destructive circumstances: I say, my lords, it is truly perilous. What are these little islands, Great Britain and Ireland? What is your defence? Nothing. What is the condition of your formidable and inveterate enemies, the two leading branches of the House of Bourbon? They have a formidable navy; say, my lords, their intentions are hostile. I know it. Their coasts are lined with troops, from the furthermost part of the coast of Spain up to Dunkirk. What have you to oppose them? Not 5,000 men of his country. In vain he led your victorious fleets against the boasted Armada of Spain; in vain he defended and established the honour, the liberties, the religion, the Protestant religion, of this country, against the arbitrary cruelties of Popery and the Inquisition, if these more than popish cruelties and inquisitorial practices are let loose among us; to turn forth into our settlements, among our ancient connexions, friends, and relations, the merciless cannibal, thirsting for the blood of man, wo My lords, I did not intend to have encroached again upon your attention; but I cannot repress any indignation-I feel myself impelled by every duty. My lords, we are called upon as members of this House, as men, as Christian men, to protest against such notions standing near the throne, pollating the ear of majesty." That God and nature put into our hands." I know not what ideas that lord may entertain of God and nature; but I know that such abominable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What! to attribute the sacred sanction of God and nature to the massacres of the Indian scalping-knife -to the cannibal savage torturing, murdering, roasting, and eating; literally, my lords, eating the mangled victims of his barbarous bat-man, and child! to send forth the infidel satles! Such horrible notions shock every precept of religion, divine or natural, and every generous feeling of humanity. And, my lords, they shock every sentiment of honour; they shock me as a lover of honourable war, and a detester of murderous barbarity. These abominable principles, and this more abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation. I call upon that right reverend bench, those holy ministers of the gospel, and pious pastors of our church; I conjure them to join in the holy work, and vindicate the religion of their God: I appeal to the wisdom and the law of this learned bench, to defend and support the justice of their country: I call upon the bishops, to interpose the unsullied sanctity of their lawn;-upon the learned judges, to interpose the purity of their ermine, to save us from this pollution: I call upon the honour of your lordships, to reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain your own: I call upon the spirit and humanity of my country, to vindicate the national character: I, invoke the genius of the constitution. From the tapestry that adorns these walls, the immortal ancestor of this noble lord frowns with indignation at the disgrace Lord Effingham.-Lord Effingham Howard was Lord High Admiral of England against the Spanish Armada; the destruction of which is represented in the tapestry. [VOL. XIX.] vage-against whom? against your Protestant brethren; to lay waste their country, to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name, with these horrible bell-hounds of savage war!-hell-hounds, I say, of savage war. Spain armed herself with blood-hounds to extirpate the wretched natives of America; and we improve on the inhuman example even of Spanish cruelty; we turn loose these savage hell-hounds against our brethren and country men in America, of the same language, laws, liberties, and religion; endeared to us by every tye that should sanctify humanity. My lords, this awful subject, so important to our honour, our constitution, and our religion, demands the most solemn and effectual enquiry. And I again call upon your lordships, and the united powers of the state, to examine it thoroughly and decisively, and to stamp upon it an indelible stigma of the public abhorrence. And I again implore those holy prelates of our religion, to do away these iniquities from among us. Let them perform a lustration; let them purify this House, and this country, from this sin. My lords, I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; but my feelings and indignation were too strong to have said less. I could not have slept this night in my bed, nor reposed my head on my pillow, without giving this vent to my eternal abhorrence of such preposterous and enormous principles. [2 B] |