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which is ever mainly dependant on religion, nor produce that unlimited confidence between man and man which is the strongest foundation on which public welfare can repose, as well as the most certain pledge of a nation's prosperity. Withal Catholic Emancipation is a great public measure, and of itself not only would effect much, but open a passage to ulterior measures, which a provident Legislature could without difficulty effect.

The Union of the Churches, however, which you have had the singular merit of suggesting to the Commons of the United Kingdom, would together and at once effect a total change in the dispositions of men; it would bring all classes to co-operate zealously in promoting the prosperity of Ireland, and in securing her allegiance for ever to the British Throne. The question of emancipation would be swallowed up in the great inquiry, how Ireland could be enriched and strengthened, and in place of the Prime Minister devising arguments to screen an odious oppression, and reconcile an Insurrection Act of 25 years duration, with the Habeas Corpus Act and Magna Charta, we would find him receiving the plaudits of the Senate, the thanks of his Sovereign, and the blessings of millions, for the favours which he could so easily dispense.

This Union, on which so much depends, is not, as you have justly observed, so difficult as it appears to many; and the present time is peculiarly well calculated for attempting, at least, to carry it into effect.

It is not difficult; for in the discussions which were held, and the correspondence which occurred on this subject early in the last century, as well that in which Archbishop Tillotson was engaged, as the others which were carried on between Bossuet and Leibnitz, it appeared that the points of agreement between the churches were numerous, those on which the parties hesitated few, and apparently not the most important. The effort which was then made, was not attended with success, but its failure was owing more to Princes than to Priests, more to State policy than to a difference of belief. But the same reasons which at that period disappointed the hopes of every good Christian in Europe would at present operate favourably. For what interest can England now have, which is

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opposed to such a Union, and what nation or church in the Universe can have stronger motives for desiring it than Great Britain, if by it she could preserve her Church Establishment, perfect her internal policy, and secure her external dominion.

The time is favourable; for the Government is powerful and at peace, the Pope is powerless and anxious to conciliate, the Irish Catholics are wearied and fatigued, exceedingly desirous of repose; the established religion is almost frittered away, and the Monarchy, a thing unprecedented in a Christian state, is left in one country with only the staff of the Church, to use an expression of Mr. Hume, and in the other with less than a moiety of the people attached to the hierarchy. Add to this the improvement of men's minds during the last century, the light and liberality which distinguish the present, the revival of Christian piety since the overthrow of the French Revolution, and the disposition of even religious disputants to conciliate and explain.

In Ireland, I am confident that, notwithstanding the ferment which now prevails, a proposition, such as you have made, if adopted by Government, would be heartily embraced. The Clergy of the Establishment are unpopular, and they feel it; they are without flocks, and every professional man wishes for employment; their property is attacked, and even endangered, for the State has touched it, and the people have no respect for it. The Dissenters have encroached on them; and the Catholic Clergy have despoiled them, in many places, of their flocks. The Catholic Laity, as I before mentioned, are tired of their degradation; they are wearied in pursuit of freedom; they love their country, and are anxious for repose. Their Clergy, without, I believe, an exception, would make every possible sacrifice to effect a union; I myself would most cheerfully, and without fee, pension, emolument, or hope, resign the office which I hold, if by doing so, I could in any way contribute to the union of my brethren and the happiness of my country.

The Proprietors and Capitalists in Ireland, the prospect which lies before them, and are, self-interest as well as dead to patriotism, blish peace and security amongst us. The

are affected at if not blind to anxious to estaGovernment has

no interest in preserving disunion, unless for the purpose of securing its power, and should it find an honorable and safe substitute for so detestable and precarious a system, it should be blind and besotted if it did not embrace it.

The King who rules over us is liberal, wise and enlightened, beyond any of his predecessors; and as he is the head of the State, so he has been foremost through life in bestowing his royal countenance and support on whatever could contribute to the honour of religion, to the good of his subjects, or to the glory of his reign. Whatever, then, time and circumstances can contribute to a great and good undertaking seems now to favour a project for the union of Christians too long divided. Had they been so favourable in the sixteenth century, the separation which has produced such numberless calamities, would certainly have been prevented.

It may not become so humble an individual as I am to hint even at a plan for effecting so great a purpose as the Union of Catholics and Protestants in one great family of Christians; but as the difficulty does not appear to me to be at all proportioned to the magnitude of the object to be attained, I would presume to state, that if Protestant and Catholics Divines of learning, and a conciliatory character, were summoned by the Crown, to ascertain the points of agreement and difference between the Churches, and that the result of their conferences were made the basis of a project to be treated on between the heads of the Church of Rome and of England, the result might be more favourable than at present would be anticipated.

The chief points to be discussed are, the Canon of the S, Scriptures, Faith, Justification, the Mass, the Sacraments, the Authority of Tradition, of Councils, of the Pope, the Celibacy of the Clergy, Language of the Liturgy, Invocation of Saints, respect for Images, Prayers for the Dead.

On most of these it appears to me that there is no essential difference between Catholics and Protestants; the existing diversity of opinion arises, in most cases, from certain forms of words which admit of satisfactory explanation, or from the ignorance or misconceptions which ancient prejudice and ill-will produce and strengthen, but which could be removed; they

are pride and points of honour, which keep us divided on many subjects, not a love of Christian humility, charity, and truth.

It should be the duty, as it is obviously the interest of the ruling powers, to provide for the happiness of the people, by enlightening their minds and by curbing their passions; not by reproachful speeches and coercive laws, but by means suited to their real wants; and if, through the wisdom of Parliament and the efforts of Government, the Churches of these countries could be united, a new era of happiness would commence in our history. The laws in this country could be equalized, the most perfect confidence would prevail between the Government and the subjects; their natural protectors would be restored to a generous and warm-hearted people; the Aristocracy would become what it never has been in Ireland-a link between the Prince and the peasant; industry would be protected; capital would flow into the country; all the resources of the soil, climate, genius and talent of the nation would be called into life and activity; the union of the countries would be consolidated, and Great Britain would not only be Queen of the ocean, but Mistress of the world.

Hoping that you will again call the attention of Parliament to the consideration of this important subject.

I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your obedient humble Servant,

Carlow, May 13, 1824.

J. DOYLE.

We trust that the following description of the Right Reverend Prelate, author of the above letter, will not be uninteresting to our readers. It is transcribed from a Protestant monthly publication, which is deservedly held in much esteem by the literary public. We could wish however that his Lordship were a little more explicit. We do not for instance understand the expressions "The Pope is powerless," "that there is no essential difference between Catholics and Protestants,” nor can we suppose his Lordship serious when he talks of the two Churches, namely, truth and falsehood being united.

DR. DOYLE.

"This gentleman is descended from one of those respectable

families in his country, that have, as to the worldly attribute of wealth, been irretrievably ruined by the politics of Ireland. So recently as in the life time of his father, the penal code laid its vulture-grasp upon the patimonial inheritance, and wrested it for ever. Upon approaching to man's estate, he found himself in education and alliances,- a gentlemen-in prospects and resources, an Irish Catholic. To a person so circumstanced, exile had it charms; so shaking the dust of his natal soil from his feet, he passed into Portugal, where he perfected his education in one of the universities of that country, and became an ecclesiastic. He returned to Ireland about — years ago. His learning and talents, both of which are great, procured his nomination to the professorship of Legic in the Catholic College of Carlow, and subsequently, to the titular Bishoprick which he now enjoys. In this country, where the deepest and most frequent crimes of the peasantry have a state-origin, a Catholic pastor who regards his flock, cannot abstain from intermingling political allusions in his public exhortations; and however resolutely it may be denied, it is an unquestionable fact, that many an insurgent congregation is tamed into submission to their destiny by the voice of peace and warning, that issues from the altar. In this part of his religious duties Dr. Doyle was long remarkable for his moderation. Upon the last general commotion in the South; about sixteen months ago he published a pastoral address, so adapted to its object by the spirit of Christian eloquence and charity which it breathed, that Mr. Plunket did not hesitate to pronounce it a masterpiece worthy of the meek and virtuous Fenelon. It was calculated to be of equal service to the government, and the established church; but a hierarch of the dominant faith was untouched by its merits, and in one of his addresses, or as it was more correctly entitled his charge, responded by a puerile and blundering assault upon the religion of a man, whom he should have embraced as a brother, and in many points studied as a model.This unprovoked anathema, combined with the various exciting events that followed in rapid succession, roused Dr. Doyle to a vindication of his creed, and (a still more popular theme) to some elaborate and cutting retorts upon the most precious and vulnerable attribute of Irish orthodoxy-its temporalitics. He

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