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his sublimer opponent. This circumstance may, however, be considered rather as a compromise between the rulers, than as an alteration in the condition of those who were still destined to obey. The metaphysical doctrines of Plato were as remote from the business of real life, and the simple induction of facts, as those of Aristotle. It is not, however, wholly improbable, that mankind derived some ad-, vantage from this event. In dividing their allegiance, it occasionally led them to think for themselves, and perhaps induced a suspicion, that as in opposing systems both leaders could not be right, so it was possible that both of them might be wrong.'

In the same chapter, Mr. R. thus expresses himself:

It is impossible to observe the industry, the learning, and the acuteness which have been displayed in these abstruse speculations, without sincerely regretting such a lamentable waste of talents and of time. For what important discoveries might the world have been indebted to the genius of Giovanni Pico of Mirandula, if instead of attempting to reconcile the opinions of Plato, and of Aristotle, he had devoted himself to those studies which are within the proper limits of the human intellect. Nor might posterity have had less cause to admire the talents, and approve the indefatigable labours of Giovan-Francesco Pico, the nephew of Giovanni, if he had not suffered himself to be led astray from the path of nature and utility, by the example of his uncle, and the inveterate prejudices of the age.'

We believe that the labours of the human mind are not al ways to be estimated by their direct fruits. It is not improbable that it was necessary to traverse these perplexing paths, in order to convince men of their unprofitableness, and to induce them to attempt a more practical course. The researches, to which the dreams of astrology and alchemy incited, ultimately led to and forwarded true science. The laborious and captious trifling, which, under the name of logic, so long engaged the whole attention of the schools, paved the way for the philosophy of the mind. The quibbles and subtilties of the Doctors, whom we treat with undue contempt, habituated the studious to speculations which prepared them to enter into the doubts of Des Cartes, to admire the conclusions of Hobbes, to learn the principles of human knowlege from Locke, to comprehend the sublime logic of Berkeley, to trace with Hartley the phænomena of mind to the principle of Associa tion, and to embrace the practical deductions drawn from these discoveries by the ingenious Dugald Stewart. If Des Cartes had not romanced, and Kepler had not exercised himself in conjectures, it is probable that Newton and Leibnitz would not have enriched the world with their discoveries. We have perhaps, therefore, no cause for regretting that the two Picos applied their superior talents to the reveries of the Grecian sages.

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Though we may have no great respect for the scientific treatises of the age of Leo, and though a similar fate perhaps awaits the proudest performances of later times in this department, we find that they were indirectly productive of fruits which can scarcely be equalled by the science of our own days:

The proficiency made in geographical and astronomical studies, prior to and during the pontificate of Leo X. is not so much to be collected from the written documents of the times, as from the great practical uses to which those studies were applied. That the researches of the early navigators were instigated and promoted by many of the most eminent scholars of the times, appears from undoubted evidence. The assistance thus afforded to these daring adventurers was, however, amply repaid. By the successful result of their labours, the form of the globe, and the revolutions of the heavenly bodies, were more decidedly ascertained. Nor can it be doubted, that their experience first served to establish that more correct system of the universe, which has since been fully demonstrated. These discoveries gave rise, however, to many extravagant ideas, which afford a striking proof of the credulity of the age. It is as serted by Monaldeschi, that the kingdom of Peru required a whole year to traverse it from one extremity to the other; and that New Spain was at least twice the size of Peru. Bembo, in his history of Venice, has also expatiated on the productions of the new world, and on the persons and customs of the inhabitants, with a mixture of truth and fiction highly amusing. The success which attended the expeditions to the eastern world, was no small cause of anxiety to the Venetians, who foresaw in the new intercourse to which they would undoubtedly give rise, the destruction of that commerce which the republic had so long monopolized; but although the states of Italy derived fewer advantages from these discoveries than any other country in Europe, yet it is observable, that the persons by whose courage, skill, and perseverance, they were made, were principally Italians. Cristoforo Colombo was a native of Genoa; Amerigo Vespucci, who contended with him for the honour of having been the first to touch that new continent, which is yet designated by his name, was a Florentine; Giovanni Verazzini, to whose efforts the French were so much indebted for their foreign possessions, was of the same country; and John and Sebastian Cabot, who under the reigns of Henry VII. Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, rendered such important services to the English crown, were of Venetian origin,'

Having in glowing and forcible terms expressed his lamentations over the calamities occasioned by the discovery of America, the author relates a trait of Leo which is more honourable to him than any other feature in his character, and which must be regarded as covering a multitude of sins;

If the spirit of ecclesiastical domination conspired with the lust of ambition, in extending the conquests of the maritime nations of Europe, it must be remembered, to the credit of the Roman church,

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that the first persons who opposed themselves to the atrocities committed on the unoffending natives, were the missionaries of the dif ferent orders of monks, who had been sent for the purpose of preach. ing among them the Christian faith. In this generous undertaking the Dominicans took the lead. The horrible practice of seizing upon the persons of the native Americans, and distributing them in proportionate numbers among the new settlers, to be held in per petual slavery, was represented by the monks of this fraternity as wholly inconsistent with the mild spirit of Christianity, and subversive of the great object of their own mission. The Franciscans, without attempting to justify these enormities to their full extent, opposed themselves to the benevolent views of the Dominicans. Their dis sensions soon reached Europe, and the supreme pontiff was resorted to for his decision on this novel and important subject. His sentence confers honour on his memory. He declared that not only religion, but nature herself, cried out against slavery. He observed, with equal justice and benevolence, that the only mode by which civilization and religious improvement could be extended, was by the adoption of mild and equitable measures; and he employed his utmost endeavours to prevail on Ferdinand of Spain to repress the avarice and ferocity of the new settlers, in the countries subjected to his authority.'

While adverting to the ethical writings of this period, Mr. Roscoe introduces the novels of Bandello; which call from him the observation that the ecclesiastics of that age are distinguished from other writers by offending more against modesty in their compositions. Doubtless there cannot be a stronger instance in point than the tales of the good Bishop of Agen.

We

pass over with much reluctance the account which the author gives of that non descript in literary history, Pietro Aretino; whose life, he says, may be denominated the triumph of effrontery.'

Mr, Roscoe next dwells on the zeal and exertions of Leo as a collector of books and manuscripts. The learned librarians of the Vatican, and the historians of the period, then pass in review, While he examines the merits of the latter with a decorous and manly freedom, he at the same time preserves that tenderness and respect which are becoming in a writer who is so greatly obliged to them, and who himself sustains a similar character. To the generality of our readers, the judgment of Mr. Roscoe on books in daily use will be of greater benefit than his accounts of productions which are more rare and curious. How far the following delineation is original, or has been derived from the labours of others, is not very material: but, if we can trust the impression made on our own minds by the same work, it is as masterly and correct as ever critic drew. Many ather sketches of nearly equal felicity enrich these pages.

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The historical writings of Guicciardini have not only entitled their author to the indisputable precedence of all the historians of Italy, but have placed him at least on a level with those of any age or of any country His first great advantage is, that he was himself personally acquainted with most of the transactions which he relates, and frequently acted in them an important part. He also united in himself almost every qualification that is necessary for a perfect historian; a fearless impartiality, a strong and vigorous judgment, equally remote from superstition and licentiousness, and a penetration of mind that pierced through the inmost recesses of political intrigue. His narrative is full, clear, and perspicuous, and the observations to which it occasionally gives rise, are in general just, apposite, and forcible. The principal blemishes which have been attributed to him as a writer, are those of having frequently given too much importance to events of inferior consideration, and of having, in imitation of the ancient historians, assigned to several of his principal actors, orations, which although sufficiently consonant to their sentiments, were never in reality delivered. If, however, the writings of all his contemporaries had perished, his works alone would have exhibited a perfect picture of the age, and must ever be regarded as the mine from which future historians must derive their richest materials. Fastidious critics and indolent readers may complain of the minuteness of his narrative, or the length of his periods, but every sentence is pregnant with thought, every paragraph teems with information, and if sometimes they do not please the ear, they always gratify the understanding. The principal defect in his history is such as is perhaps inseparable from his character as a statesman and a soldier, and appears in his accounting for the conduct of others wholly by motives of interest, and of ambition, without sufficiently adverting to the various other causes which have in all ages had a considerable influence on the affairs of mankind.'

The author had, we think, before satisfactorily solved the problem of Machiavelli.

In the chapter on the state of the arts in the days of Leo, Mr. Roscoe appears advantageously distinguished by the accomplishments of a connoisseur. On this subject, however, we are unwillingly compelled to refer our readers to the volumes themselves, by the impossibility of minutely attending the historian through every part of his narrative.

In summing up the history of Leo, the author proposes to solve the following queries:

What were his personal and intellectual accomplishments? Was he a man of talents, or a mere favourite of fortune? Will his public and private conduct stand the test of an impartial examination? In what degree is the world indebted to him for the extraordinary proficiency in literature and the arts, which took place during his pontificate?

With some deductions and allowances, these qestions are all anwered in his favour; and Mr. Roscoe represents him as in

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every way highly favoured by nature; as an able prince, a decorous pontiff, an amiable man, a considerable scholar, an ardent lover and zealous patron of letters and the arts.

Having now taken a rapid view of the details of political, ecclesiastical, and literary matters contained in these volumes, we should indeed be ungrateful if we did not acknowlege our obligations to the very intelligent and ingenious author, for the interesting traits which his researches have restored to the page of general history, for many portions of well-weighed and authentic narrative, for numerous instances of able criticism, for various happy sketches of character, and for the assistance which he affords to the attentive reader in estimating the state of the human mind during the early part of the sixteenth century. When it is considered that these learned labours proceed from a man who has been throughout his life engaged in business, they will be viewed with astonishment, and will induce us to think most highly of his persevering industry and happy genius. After this just acknowlegement, it is incumbent on us to offer a few more particular remarks,

With regard to the political history which this work contains, we have already intimated that, in our opinion, much greater brevity would have been eligible. The transactions of the time have been related by contemporary historians of the first order little can be added to the accounts which they have supplied; and it is difficult for any man to present himself by the side of them without appearing to disadvantage. Robertson, an experienced and tried historian, blest with a fine genius, master of ample leisure, and commanding vast sources of information, even he did not add to his fame by his narrative of the events of this period; and if the ingenious Principal has occasioned Guicciardini, Phillip de Comines, Sleidan, and others whom we could name, to be neglected, it were better that the History of Charles V. had never been written. We of course except the first volume, which has little connection with those that follow, and which may be regarded as a distinct treatise, and doubtless a most valuable one.The present author might have avoided a similar comparison. A very brief summary of the wars of France, and a succinct view of their effects with regard to literature, would best have coincided with the object of Mr. Roscoe,

It was incumbent on the author to enter more fully into ecclesiastical affairs. The dissentions of the period in this respect are those which principally render memorable the pontificate of Leo; they came under his cognizance in his spiritual character; and they also most happily consist with what we regard as the leading design of such a history as that which

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