From

A. D.

361.

A. D.

363.

History. bodies, kept up a series of the most harassing attacks. The Romans were soon reduced to the utmost distress. Their provisions were continually diminishing, and the horrors of famine menaced them. The gleam of distant armour gave evidence of the approach of an enemy, against whom they were unable to rush. Discouragement fell upon them, which Julian tried every resource to dispel. He ordered the Persian prisoners to be brought out as a specimen of the adversaries with whom they had to contend. Their tawny or livid bodies, naturally lank and meagre, were now wasted to the bone by long abstinence. Behold," he cried, pointing with contempt to the skeleton figures which stood before them, "behold the forms which your warriors take for men-mere goats-squalid, deformed, hideous-and, as experience has often proved, cowards, who, before they close hands in battle, cast away their arms, and turn to flight." But neither the spectacle, nor the speech, could reconcile the Romans to their disastrous situation. A Council was summoned, and long discussions ensued. The army, giving license to its feelings, called loudly to be led back by its former route. But the Emperor strongly resisted the measure, and many joined with him to demonstrate its impracticability. Almost every thing in the immense plain before them was destroyed; the few huts, which still remained, were wholly deserted; snow and melted ice had inundated all the roads, and the swollen torrents already caused the rivers to overflow. It was that season, moreover, in which the oppressive heat drew forth from marshy lands clouds of insects, which in a manner darkened the sky. Indecision prevailed. Victims were butchered, and their entrails consulted; but no guidance could be elicited from their appearances. The necessity of coming to some conclusion, rather than the conviction of the expediency of the scheme, induced the Emperor to fix upon proceeding to Corduene, a small Province, subJune 16. ject to the Romans, in the South of Armenia. The army had just begun to march, at daybreak, when a dark volume of rising dust, the unknown cause of which gave rise to numerous conjectures, made them halt. They stood in battle array, in a circular figure, having made a sort of rampart of bucklers. Thus they remained, ignorant of the cause of this cloud of dust, which grew denser till the evening. Filled with anxiety, Skirmishes, they passed the night, without daring to close their eyes. The first rays of the morning discovered afar the glittering armour of the King's forces, from which they were separated by a small river. They burned to rush to the conflict; but Julian checked their impatience. A sanguinary encounter, however, took place between the Roman and Persian scouts, which terminated in the discomfiture of the latter.† Moving forward, the army arrived at a place called Hucumbra, where they found, during two days, more than a sufficiency of provisions, and burned what they were unable to transport. The next day the Persians made an abrupt attack on the rear-guard, which would have been

easily destroyed, had not the cavalry immediately per- Julianus. ceived and baffled their design.

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A. D. 361.

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A. D.

363.

At length the Persians resolved to try the issue of a regular combat. Their immense army, commanded by two sons of the King and several Nobles of Persia, was drawn up in a place called Marenga. The aspect of troops completely locked in iron armour, admirably adjusted to their limbs; their faces hidden by casques, Battle of shaped like human visages, which admitted but the Marenga smallest apertures for their eyes and nostrils; the spearmen, standing so immovable that they seem rivetted by chains to the spot ;* near them the archers, dreaded for their destructive skill in the management of the bow; and next, the elephants, scaring with terrible noise the Roman horses, and mounted by riders, ready with drawn knives to destroy the unwieldy animals the moment they became unmanageable; all, says the military narrator,† presented a scene which it was impossible to view without alarm. Julian ranged his army, with its wings bent in the form of a crescent, and, lest the archers should throw it into confusion, he advanced, when within reach of the arrows, with the utmost rapidity up to the hostile front. The shock was long and bloody. But the Persians, little accustomed to close conflict, at length gave way, discharging in their flight showers of darts, which precluded pursuit. The loss on their side was far more considerable than on that of the Romans, who, fatigued, but revived in spirits, returned to their camp, there to find a very different, but a more dreadful, enemy.

Want of food was now felt in a degree scarcely Want of tolerable. Harvests and pastures had been wasted by provisions. fire, and men and cattle were alike reduced to the last extremity. It became necessary to distribute among the lowest ranks of the army the provisions which the Counts and Tribunes had destined for their own use. Alive to the state of suffering which surrounded him, the Emperor claimed no exemption from the hardships and privations of his subjects. In a small tent, he not only contented himself with a scanty portion of the coarsest fare, but, forgetful of his own wants, shared his humble repast with the most indigent.

One night, after a brief interval of light and uneasy Julian's sleep, having awakened, according to custom, to indulge vision.. in literary composition, for even at this critical season the Soldier never dropped the character of Sage, while his attention was profoundly absorbed by some Philosophical subject,—a moment, it may be remarked, when the mind is most open to superstitious influences,―he imagined he saw (as he related to his friends) the same Genius of the Empire, whom he declared to have appeared to him previously to his assumption of the title of Augustus.§ The phantom was now changed. Its head

Pars contis dimicatura stabat immobilis, ut retinaculis æreis fixam existimares. Id. lib. xxv. c. 1..

killing them followed by Hasdrubal, the brother of Hannibal, and Ammian. lib. xxv. c. 1. They imitated the speedy manner of thus described by Livy: Elephanti plures ab ipsis rectoribus, quam ab hoste interfecti. Fabrile scalprum cum malleo habebant: id, usi sævire belluæ ac ruere in suos cæperant, magister inter aures positum ipsd in compage, quá jungitur capiti cervix, quanto maximo poterat ictu adigebat. Ea celerrima via mortis in tantæ molis bellua inventa erat, ubi regendi spem vicisset; primusque id Hasdrubal institu-~at. (lib. xxvii. c. 49.)

Illatis concitatius signis spiculorum impetum fregit. The same manœuvre had been adopted by Miltiades at the battle of Marathon. (Herod. lib. vi. c. 112.) So also Ventidius against the Parthians. (Frontin. lib. ii. c. 2.)

§ See above, p. 189.

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History. and its horn of abundance were covered with a veil, and it retired with an air of melancholy from the Imperial pavilion. Recovering from a momentary impression of amazement, he arose, and offered to Heaven his midnight sacrifice to avert the impending misfortune. While performing this rite, he beheld a furrow of light, which, like a falling meteor, traversed the air and vanished. His excited imagination, gathering the most sinister presages from this phenomenon, viewed in it the menacing constellation of Mars.† Before dawn, Julian, in the greatest haste, sent for the Tuscan haruspices, who, having declared that the fatal sign had warned him against undertaking any enterprise, conjured him, if not to abandon, at least to postpone, his march. Heedless of advice, which his active temperament must have found unpalateable, and the existing emergency might have rendered dangerous, he ordered his tents to be struck as soon as day appeared.

Retreat of

tacked.

The Persians, taught by frequent disasters that they were but an unequal match with the more practised troops of the Romans in regular conflict, contented themselves with the devices of stratagem, in which their proverbial subtilty was more likely to ensure them success. Keeping to their heights, they watched and followed the advancing enemy, ready to take advantage of any opportunity of successful annoyance which might

arise.

The Romans were moving onward in columns, which, the Romans owing to the nature of the ground, were not closely serried, but still were well protected in flank; and Julian, who through unwariness, or perhaps over-confidence, remained unarmed, was in front, reconnoitring the They are at- country through which their march was to be held, when sudden information arrived that the rear of the army was attacked. On the spur of the moment, without stopping to put on his armour, he hastily snatched his buckler, and flew to the scene of disorder. While thus engaged, he was recalled by the embarrassing intelligence, that the vanguard was equally assailed. As he hastened with unabated activity to stay the evil in all directions, a body of Persian cavalry, sheathed in complete armour, poured upon the centre, and stretching themselves to the left wing, which had begun to bend back, dealt merciless havoc among the Roman bands, who were unable to sustain the appalling noise and onset of their elephants. But the presence of their great Commander, reckless of perils, throwing himself into the thickest ranks, produced an instantaneous effect on the infantry, and they rallied with a bold and successful charge. The Emperor, waving his hands, pointed out the flying enemy to his troops, urged them on with an animating cry to the pursuit, and mingled with headlong ardour in the fray. His guards admonished him against exposing himself thus rashly to a throng, most formidable in flight. Just then a javelin, shot by some unknown hand,§ grazed against his arm, and, entering his side, remained fixed in his liver. After mangling his fingers in useless efforts to tear out the double

Julian is wounded.

*Ammian. lib. xxv. c. 2.

See above, p. 203. Chez eux fuir c'étoit combattre. Montesquieu, Grandeur et Décadence des Romans. See Jondot, Hist. de Julien, p. 312.

A rumour was spread that he had been slain by the Romans themselves. (Ammian. lib. xxv. c. 1.) The Christians are charged, without any appearance of reason, as having instigated his assassina tion. Liban. De Ulciscend, Julian. nece, c. 13. See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, &c. ch. xxiv.

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edged weapon, he fell from his horse, and was carried Julianus by his followers into the tent. No sooner was the wound probed, than gradually recovering from the pain,. he called for his horse and arms, to return to the field and to restore the courage of his men. But his strength, ill responsive to the mighty spirit that yearned for the onslaught, forsook him, and, exhausted with loss of blood, he found himself unable to move his limbs. The sight of Julian, the idol of the army, borne back The battle bleeding to the camp, filled the soldiers with the liveliest terminates emotions of grief mingled with revenge. Striking doubtfully. their spears upon their bucklers, they resolved to inflict signal punishment on the authors of their distress. Chiefless,-blinded with clouds of dust,-oppressed by the excessive heat,-they fought with the frantic courage of desperation. The Persians, on the other hand, slowly preceded by their elephants, which alarmed both men and horses by their enormous masses and waving trunks, rendered themselves almost invisible by the dense showers of arrows which they discharged. The clash of arms, the snorting of steeds, and the groans of the wounded, continued, says the narrator,* to be heard afar, till night put an end to the conflict and separated the two parties, wearied out with fatigue and sated with vengeance. Fifty Lords and Satraps, with two principal Generals and a great number of inferior rank among the Persians, left dead on the field, attested the relentless ferocity of the struggle.

Credulous to the last, Julian did not consider his wound as mortal, because, according to his account, it was foretold by an Oracle that he would close his days in Phrygia, which he understood to mean the But Province of Asia Minor, which bears that name. on learning that the spot on which he lay was so called, he became sensible that all hopes of life must be resigned.

His friends then assembled in his tent round the Julian's dydying Chieftain, with looks in which the deepest dejec- ing address. tion was impressed. Julian, stretched on a lion's skin, his customary couch, alone betrayed no symptom of weakness. "The time is arrived, my beloved friends," he said, "when I am summoned, though at an early season, to depart from life. The loan, which Nature redemands, I return with all the cheerfulness of a faithful debtor, and not, as some might imagine, with reluctant sorrow. Taught by Philosophy the surpassing excellence of the Soul over the body, I find more reason to rejoice than to repine at the emancipation of the nobler from the baser substance. I likewise reflect that the Gods have often sent death as the highest recompense of piety. I reckon it as a blessing which has prevented me from fainting under the pressure of difficulties, and from committing any action unworthy of myself. I have observed of all pains, that as they triumph over the weak and impatient, so they yield to those who resist them with perseverance and courage. I die without remorse. I am not stung with the recollection of having fallen into any heinous crime, either in the obscurity of early life or since the assumption of the Purple. I have regarded the Imperial authority as an emanation from the Gods, which I trust I have preserved pure and unsullied, by governing my People with moderation, and avoiding to embark in war without mature deliberation. If my efforts have not always been successful, it is

* Ammian. lib. xxv. c. 3.

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History. because success is at the disposal of a higher power. Convinced that the interest and happiness of his subFrom jects ought to form the sole object of a good Prince, I have always, as you know, leaned to tranquil and pacific views, and I have banished from my conduct that licentiousness which is destructive alike of the Moral Principles and of the prosperity of States. But whenever the Republic, whom I venerate as a mother, has called me to open dangers, I have encountered them with the firmness of one accustomed to trample under foot the varied accidents of fortune. I will not conceal from you that it had been predicted to me that I should fall by a violent death. I offer thanks to the Everlasting Deity that I do not terminate my days through secret treason, or by the protracted torture of disease, or after the manner of condemned criminals, but that I have earned a great and glorious end in the mid-career of brilliant achievements. In the opinion of all just judges, it is equally pusillanimous to long for death when it behoves us to live, or to regret life when it is time to die. My failing strength prevents me from speaking longer. I purposely abstain from naming my successor. My choice might be erroneous, and if rejected, it might perhaps expose to peril the person to whom it pointed. But as a faithful son of the Republic, I hope she may obtain after my death a virtuous ruler."‡ Having thus spoken in the most composed manner, he ordered that his body should be removed to Tarsus in Cilicia, and distributed his private property among his most intimate friends. On learning the death of one of these, Anatolius, whom he had desired to see, he gave way to his affliction. Yet the same man had forbidden lamentations for himself, remarking to the melancholy circle by which he was surrounded, that it

The insincerity of this assertion is obvious. Lituos somniabat et prælia. (Ammian. lib. xxii.)

Vel damnatorum fine. Florent. MS. The common reading "delicatorum" is not inconsistent with the character of Julian.

As a specimen of the style of Ammianus, the original speech is subjoined: Advenit, o socü, nunc abeundi tempus è vitá impendio tempestivum, quam reposcenti Naturæ, ut debitor bonæ fidei, redditurus exsulto: non, ut quidam opinantur, adflietus et mœrens: Philosophorum sententiâ generali perdoctus, quantum corpore sit beatior animus, et contemplans, quoties conditio melior à deteriore secernitur, latandum esse potius, quàm dolendum. Hlud quoque advertens, quod etiam Dii cœlestes quibusdam piissimis mortem tanquam summum præmium persolverunt. Munus autem id mihi detatum optimè scio, ne difficultatibus succumberem arduis, neve me projiciam unquam aut prosternum: expertus, quod dolores omnes, ut insultant ignavis, ita persistentibus cedunt. Nec me gestorum pœnitet, aut gravis flagita recordatio stringit, vel cum in umbram et angulos amandarer, vel post principatum susceptum : quem tanquam à cognatione cœlitum defluentem, immaculatum (ut existimo) conservavi, et civilia moderatius regens, et examinatis rationibus bella inferens et repellens: tametsi prosperitas simul utilitasque consultorum non ubique concordent, quoniam cæptorum eventus superæ sibi vindicant potestates. Reputans autem, justi esse finem imperii, obedientium commodum et salutem, ad tranquilliora semper, ut nôstis, propensior fui, licentiam omnem actibus meis exterminans, rerum corruptricem et morum: gaudensque, adeo sciens, quod, ubicunque me velut imperiosa parens consideratis periculis objecit respublica, steti fundatus, turbines calcare fortuitorum adsuefactus. Nec fateri pudebit, interiturum me ferro dudum didici fide fatidicâ præcinente. Ideoque sempiter num veneror numen, quod non clandestinis insidüis, nec longá morborum asperitate, vel damnatorum fine decedo: sed in medio cursu florentium gloriarum hunc merui clarum è mundo digressum. Equo autem judicio, juxta timidus est et ignavus, qui, cùm non oportet, mori desiderat: et qui refugiat, cùm sit opportunum. Hactenus loqui vigore virium labente sufficiat. Super imperatore verò creando cautè reticeo, ne per imprudentiam dignum præteream: aut nominatum, quem habilem reor, anteposito forsitan alio in discrimen ultimum trudam. Ut alumnus autem reipublicæ frugi, opto bonum post me reperiri rectorem. (lib. xxv. c. 3.)

From A. D. 361.

was but weak and abject to grieve over a Prince who was Julianus. about to be united to the Heavens.* While they strove to stifle their emotions, he entered into a subtle dispute with Maximust and Priscus, the Philosophers, on the excellence of the Soul. But, as his wound reopened and the inflammation increased, his breathing became embarrassed. He called for a draught of cold water, and had no sooner drunk it, than, about the middle of the night, he expired without pain.

He was then in the thirty-second year of his age, having reigned seven years and a half from his elevation to the dignity of Caesar, three years since his assumption of the title of Augustus, and one year, eight months, and twenty-one days since he had enjoyed the undisturbed possession of supreme power.

to A. D 363. His death. June 26.

Thus perished, in the vigour of his age, after a brief Remarks. but eventful reign, one of the only Princes who appeared capable, by the rare endowments which the vicissitudes of his checkered life developed, to call again into existence the ancient discipline of Rome, and to maintain the character of the Empire on the precarious elevation which it had reached. It has been justly remarked that his last moments were a copy of the death of Socrates, but without the ease and natural simplicity of the original. There is, indeed, in the whole scene a certain self-complacent, theatrical air, not very consonant with true greatness. It does not bear the gentle character of resignation. It exhibits itself too ambitiously by a studied display of phrases. And the visible effort to produce, as it were, the striking and the sublime of some grand catastrophie, tends to deprive the situation of the essential qualities of earnestness and solemnity.

In person Julian was of the middle size, but of a robust His characmake, and thoroughly well-proportioned frame. His eyes ter. were full of fire, and his eyebrows handsome. His hair was peculiarly smooth; his beard long, and terminated in a point. His nose was straight; his mouth rather large, and his under lip hanging.§ His neck short and bent; his shoulders thick and broad; and his countenance neither regular nor remarkable for beauty.|| His public life was one unremitting struggle against the degenerate habits of the Age, by the fatal influence of which the sinews of Roman greatness were gradually unstrung. Combining the utmost ability with heroic

* Humile esse cœlo sideribusque conciliatum lugeri Principem dicens. (Ammian.)

+ This Philosopher, who had first inspired Julian with aversion for Christianity, had been invited to Court by him, and received with marks of esteem, which Libanius has praised highly, (Orat. xii.) but which Ammianus thought below the Imperial dignity. (Ammian. lib. xxii.) He was so haughty as to be less easy of access than the Emperor himself. (Eunap. c. 5.) Julian's "whole Court," says Dr. Bentley," in a manner consisted of Haruspices, Sacrificuli, and Philosophers." Remarks on a late Discourse on Free-thinking. Comp. Encyclopædia, p. 115, note.

The above account rests on the testimony of the honest and well-informed Ammianus, with which the tales which are added by Christian writers seem inconsistent. It is pretended, that when Julian felt himself wounded, imagining he saw Jesus Christ, he filled his hand with blood, and cast it towards heaven with the blasphemous exclamation: "Glut thyself. Thou hast conquered, Galilæan, but I still renounce thee," &c. See Theodor. lib. iii. c. 20. Sozom. lib. vi. See the different reports of his death in Le Beau, Hist. du Bas-Empire, tom. iii. p. 374.

c. 2.

§ Labro inferiore demisso, al. diviso. It was, probably, the pouting lip, like that of the Imperial family of Austria. See Valesius and Wagner, in loc.

|| Ammian. lib. xxv. c. 4. Comp. Misop. See also Greg. Nazianz. in Julian, Orat. ii.

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History. courage, he displayed the various qualifications of a consummate military commander no less in the conduct of sieges, the disposition of marches, and the management of encampments, than by the skilfulness of his plans, the fertility of his evolutions, and the boldness of his attempts in the field of battle. The terror of his arms continued long after the blows which they had inflicted were past; and the rugged Tribes, which he had quelled into submission, remained tranquil until his death. Possessing that double art which both inspires affection and enforces authority, he contrived to induce his troops, even without pay, to encounter the fiercest adversaries; and he succeeded in leading on bands of men, long accustomed and devotedly attached to the bleak regions of Gaul, into distant Countries of vast extent, through the burning plains of Assyria to the very frontiers of Media. So singular, indeed, was the ascendency which he had acquired, that the mere threat of retiring into private life was sufficient, as it were, to silence the murmurs of the discontented. His well-built frame, hardened by long practice, enabled him to brave the severest changes of climate and to sustain the most harassing fatigues. Requiring but little sleep or sustenance, he divided the period which others lost in rest, between the duties of personal vigilance and the pursuits of literary composition. Of the less brilliant, but far more solid, qualities which constitute true greatness, his love of justice and moderation, with a few disgraceful exceptions, have appeared in the course of his History. The greater part of his time, when at Antioch, was devoted to judicial proceedings. Though he was apt during Trials to put irrelevant questions respecting the Sect to which the parties before the Court belonged, his decisions are said to have been free from the bias of religious prejudice. They were generally marked by precision, though sometimes grounded rather on natural equity than on established Law. Taught by experience the odious nature of calumny, he was slow to attend to the charges of informers; and he displayed the most dignified contempt for points to which weak and unjust Princes would have attached considerable weight. He rejected accusations, even when directed against men for whom he entertained a personal dislike. Yet the impartial Historian has stated as a circumstance which but ill accords with his character for equity, that in his reign, persons who complained against Magistrates, however distinguished might be their own privileges, connections, and services, seldom obtained the redress they deserved, and found themselves compelled to purchase by secret bribes exemption from annoyance. His chastity, a virtue which he considered as shedding as fair a lustre on the mind as beauty confers on the body, was not, even in the ardour of youth, exposed to the slightest suspicion from his most intimate followers. When in Assyria, a Country no less remarkable for the seductive beauty than for the pliant morals of the female sex,† he preserved unimpeached the character of Stoical indifference by which he was distinguished, and refused even to venture ca the sight of the fair captives whom the chances of war had placed in his possession.

Mamert. in Panegyr. Vet. Liban. Orat. Parent. c. 88. Recolebat sæpè dictum Lyricí Bacchylidis, quem legebat jucundè, id adserentem, quod ut egregius pictor vultum speciosum effingit, ita pudicitia celsius consurgentem vitam exornat. Ammian. lib. xxv. c. 4. Quint. Curt. lib. v. &c. Ammian. lib. xxiv. c. 4.

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In a word,* had his virtues, flowing in a more natural Julianus. and equable course from genuine feeling, depended less on the forced and fitful 'suggestions of artificial selfschooling; had a proper sense of dignity imparted the minor attributes of grace to his demeanour, and true magnanimity enhanced the splendour of his exploits, by withdrawing from them all appearance of vanity and ostentation ; and, above all, had right views of Religion inspired a more just and benign, as well as more rational, spirit, to his policy and conduct; his name, uniting the military fame of Alexander with the virtuous reputation of Marcus Aurelius, the two objects of his imitation, would have shone among the most illustrious in the annals of History.§

His body was transported to Tarsus, and buried near that city. His monument, rising on the banks of the Cydnus, was regarded by the Pagans as a Temple, and hore engraven on it the following simple distich:

Julian, having passed the rapid-rolling Tigris, lies here.
He united the qualities of a good Prince and a brave warrior.

Thomas, after having shown the difference between the character of Julian and that of Marcus Aurelius, whom he affected to imitate, justly observes: Son extérieur étoit simple, son caractère ne l'étoit pas. Ses discours, ses actions avoient de l'appareil et sembloient avertir qu'il étoit grand. Suivez-le; sa passion pour la gwire perce partout. Il lui faut un théâtre et des battemens de mains. Il s'indigne qu'on les refuse. Il se venge, il est vrai, plus en homme d'esprit qu'en prince irrité qui commandoit à cent mille hommes; mais il se venge. Il court à la renommée; il l'appelle. Il flatte pour être flatté. Il veut être tout à la fois Platon, Marc-Aurèle, et Alexandre. (Essai sur les Eloges, ch. xx.)

His character, as drawn by Prudentius, is well known:
Ductor fortissimus armis ;

Conditor et legum celeberrimus; ore manuque
Consultor patriæ; sed non consultor habendæ
Religionis; amans tercentúm millia Divům.
Perfidus ille Deo, sed non et perfidus Orbi.

Apotheos. 450, &c. Ammianus has thus candidly mentioned his defects: Levioris ingeni: verum hoc instituto rectissimo temperabat, emendari se, cum deviaret à fruge bond, permittens. Linguæ fusioris et admodum raro silentis: præsagiorum sciscitationi nimiæ deditus, ut æquiparare videretur in hac parte principem Hadrianum: superstitiosus magis, quàm sacrorum legitimus observator, innumeras sine parsimonia pecudes mactans: ut æstimaretur, si revertisset de Parthis, boves jam defuturos: Marci illius similis Cæsaris, in quem id accepimus dictum, Oi λευκοὶ βόες Μάρκῳ τῷ Καίσαρι. Αν σὺ νικήσης, ἡμεῖς ἀπωλόμεθα. Fulgi plausibus lætus, laudum etiam ex minimis rebus intemperans adpetitor, popularitatis cupiditate cum indignis loqui sæpe adfectans, &c. (lib. xxv.)

Conip. Julian. Ep. ad Themist.

In this account of Julian, besides the original text of Ammianus, we have chiefly followed the elegant Work of La Bleterie, Vie de Julien. Additional information may be found in Jondot, Histoire de l'Empereur Julien, 2 vols. Paris, 1817. This latter Work, though it contains many just strictures on the conduct of the Emperor, is for the most part written in a vein of declamatory detraction. The author is fond of drawing a parallel in his Notes between the Russian expedition given an account of Julian in the Biographie Universelle, tom. xxii. of Bonaparte and the Parthian war of Julian. M. Jondot has likewise Heyler mentions the following Work also on the subject of Julian.

Ueber den Kaiser Julianus und sein Zeitalter. Ein historisches

Gemälde, von A. Neander. Leips. 1812.

AMPOTEPON BACIAEYC T AгAеOC KPATEPOCT' AIXMHTHC.

|| ΙΟΥΛΙΑΝΟΥ ΜΕΤΑ ΤΙΓΡΙΝ ΑΓΑΡΡΟΟΝ ΕΝΘΑΔΕ ΚΕΙΤΑΙ

Zosimus..

Cedrenus says: Τὸ δύστηνον σῶμα ἀπεκομίσθη ἐν Κωνσκαντινουπόλει καὶ ἐτέθη ἐν λάρνακι πορφυρᾷ κυλινδροειδεῖ, ἐν ᾧ ἐπέγραψεν ἐλεγεῖον τόδε, ΚΥΔΝΩ ΕΠ' ΑΡΓΥΡΟΕΝΤΙ, ΑΠ' ΕΥΦΡΗΤΑΟ ΡΟΛΩΝ ΠΕΡΕΙΔΟΣ ΕΚ ΓΑΙΗΣ ΑΤΕΛΕΥΤΗΤΩ ΕΠΙ ΕΡΓΩ KINHCAC CTPATIAN, TOAE IOTAIANOC AAXE CHMA, AMPOTEPON BACIAETC T' AгAеос KPATEPOCT' AIXMHTHC.

See Lindenbrog, not. in Amm. Marcel. lib. xxv. c. 10.