South Carolina currency, which he desires to be paid to your Excellency, and it shall be done by Col. Du Buysson, at his first trip to Yorktown. Said trunks we found arrived here, but almost empty and void of everything but some insignificant trifles, not worth the £130. The whole has properly been robbed-the trunks broke and wrapt and sowed up in coarse cloth. Chevalier Du Buysson has opened them, and stated their contents, in presence of Mr. Wirtz, the Town Major-for they were too light not to be suspected of fraud. I do not see what can be done in this matter, for Viscount Mauroy's loss, for having trusted his effects to a rogue.

"I believe British administration would willingly restore America to the state the colonies were in at the period of 1763. They would stoop lower, if France would go but one step farther at this time.

"I shall, in a few days, join the army, though I had rather a mind to go to Europe when I left Albany. The manner in which General Gates, by his letters, had a mind to put the command there in the hands of General Conway, before I was recalled, gave me great discontent, and, in time and place, I shall mention it to Congress as a grievance. What I here say is only meant confidently [confidentially] to your Excellency, but if General Conway were to complain, I would lay before Congress my proceedings, in vindication of my right.

"I shall be much obliged to you, sir, for forwarding the enclosed packet, by the first conveyance, for France. For those for Charlestown, I must entreat your Excellency's particular care and protection, which you will certainly grant when acquainted with the contents. I am sure, by your principles of honour and humanity, you must feel and share the anxiety of honest and tender parents, when they are in danger of having a worthy and innocent child ruined by villanous corrupted people. The facts stand thus: Colonel W of Georgia, when in Philadelphia last year, with a woman he passed for his wife, they both professed great friendship for Dr. Phile and his whole family, and having no children of their own, as they said, they earnestly wished and entreated the Doctor to give them one of his daughters, to live with them and be brought up as their own child. Their choice fell on one of about twelve years old; and, by consent of her parents, they took her away with them to Georgia last month, October, when the Colonel's regiment was ordered to the southward. Though all persons to whom the Doctor applied for information at the time gave very good characters of the Gentleman, as well as of his lady; but, since they are gone, reports come in from all parts, that this woman is not Mr. Wwife, (he having one in New-York,) but a loose woman, and he a debauchee. This puts the parents under the greatest concern for

-'s

their child, and by recommendations to Mr. and Mrs. Gilling, [qu. Gillon?] by common friends, they beg the young lady may be taken from the villains, before they can have time to instil bad principles into her mind, or do anything prejudicial to innocence, and to stay [that she may stay] under the care of Mrs. Gilling till the parents may have a fair opportunity of bringing her home. A recommendation from your Excellency, to Mr. and Mrs. Gilling, or Mr. Crips, and to the delegates in Congress, from the State of Georgia, would be of great weight and use in this matter, that such methods may be employed as to serve most effectually the purpose, and that the seducers may not have any notice given them thereof: for, possibly, they would hide the child, and deny the fact. There is an intelligence that they have persuaded her already to deny that her name was Betsy Phile, and that she was to go under that of Miss W- The service your Excellency will render to the Doctor, my particular friend, on this most important occasion, shall be forever acknowledged by your most obedient and very humble servant, The BARON DEKALB."

We have no further clues to the domestic affairs of the Georgia Colonel, and suppress the full name, as the discreditable report of suspicions may be wholly scandalous and unfounded. The Baron speaks merely on rumour, and the apprehensions of the parents may, naturally, have been aroused prematurely. That a person adopting a child should seek to bestow his own name upon it is by no means unreasonable or objectionable, and, indeed, is one of the usual conditions in all such cases of adoption. The fact here, separate from all other evidence, would argue nothing against the integrity of the party; and, indeed, would go to show, in some degree, that nothing was designed against the innocence of the child. The whole subject is curious now, rather than important, and serves to show how warmly the Baron could urge the interests of his friends.

The glimpses given of the mole-workings of Gates and Conway, and their cabal, in regard to the Northern army, show them to have been sleepless in the prosecution of their dirty toils. Gates, it must be remembered, was, at this time, President of the Board of War, and hence the influence which he thus contrived to exercise, indirectly, at the expense of Washington and his friends, and in promotion of his own. When Lafayette and DeKalb left the army at Albany, which was designed for Canada, Con

way became the officer in command. So far, therefore, the cabal had been successful. What were the particular subjects of annoyance to DeKalb himself, and what the demonstrations which he alleges himself to have resisted, we are not prepared to say. It was the most painful portion of the difficulty to the friends of Washington, at this period, that the popularity of Gates was such, that it was no good policy to indulge in such open speech as would compel a trial of strength between the parties. Seeing here shown in whatever suppressed terms-the feeling which DeKalb entertained towards Gates, we may conjecture what must have been the secret feelings of the former, when Gates superseded him in the command of the army sent to the succour of South-Carolina. We do not wonder that he should see none but evil auguries accompanying the banner of the hero of Saratoga, and that he should predict nothing but disaster from his presence. That he did so, however, we owe to no better authority than Weems. That he might have done so, is a reasonable conclusion, from what we know of his estimate and opinion of Gates.

The first of May finds DeKalb again in camp, at Valley Forge, from whence, on that day, his next letter to the President of Congress is addressed.

"SIR-As I make no doubt but the arrival of Simeon Deane will be agreeable to all those that waited impatiently for a more active part from France in your contest, I take the earliest opportunity of congratulating your Excellency upon it. I always expected as much, this good while, and am heartily glad it happened so, before England would make you (without being compelled to it by the measures of his most Ch. [ristian] majesty) such proposals as, perhaps, many Americans (even those whose credit and influence are great) would be of opinion to accept of; though confident Great Britain would never have thought of making it up, but upon her own terms, of implicit submission of the colonies, if she had the least hope of success by force of arms, or [if] left quiet by her neighbours. I say that some, even members of Congress, may possibly oppose the propositions of France, and urge the States of the accepting [to the acceptance of] those to be made [possibly] by England, and to pay no regard to the assistance the States received from the former till now, without which it would have been almost impossible for America to contest for her right against the latter I hope your Excellency, joined by all lovers of justice, will oppose*

that the proposals of Great Britain may not get the better (if not better in themselves) of those made by France.

"I think it very judicious the United States should make no alliance, either defensive or offensive, with any power-but be at peace with all—if they can help it. I will even go so far as to wish they may not side with France against England, though grievously offended by the English; but they should be inexcusable in the eyes of the whole world, if ever they sided with Britain against France, without just provocation!-for nobody can be so blind as not to see that America owes her independence, or at least the speedier establishment thereof, to France, and that British administration would not so soon have relinquished their tyrannical scheme, if they had been at peace with their neighbours; nor can anybody be so partial as to overlook, forget and forgive the outrages committed against you by your barbarous enemies. The bloodshed of your kindred, friends, women and children, the burning of your towns, destroying your properties, starving your prisoners in their power, or transporting them into foreign parts, the plundering of your country, stealing your negroes, or spirit [ing] them up to murder their own masters, the setting upon you the savages, as cruel almost as themselves, with numberless other calamities they brought on you, without justice, reason or provocation. I would not trust even their acknowledging your sovereignty, nor their most solemn promises on that head, if not guaranteed by foreign powers.

"I think, also, Congress should insist on their giving up to the United States all their other possessions on the continent-as Canada, Nova Scotia and the Floridas--that no contest of any kind may arise for the future. I am persuaded France does not force any pretensions on the continent; but I could wish to see them masters of Newfoundland, and to share the fishery there with America, exclusive of any other power. This I give only as my private opinion.

"The Marquis's express hurries me on. I have only time to assure your Excellency of the respectful sentiments with which I have the honour to be your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, The BARON DEKALB."

[P. S.] "If Congress send back the frigate Simeon Deane came in, I should be glad to know it timely, to write by her to France."

In this letter, we are constrained to think that the Baron shows himself rather more the friend of France than of the people of the United States. His solicitude is evidently to continue the war-to goad Great Britain to extremity, cut off her resources, and so humble her power, as to give to France, in Europe as well as on this

continent, the long coveted ascendancy. How could he, or any other man, suppose that Great Britain should make such important concessions as he requires in this letter. The wish, in this respect, is the father of the thought. It could have no other origin than in the blindness of that extreme cupidity, which is deluded by its appetites into the notion that they are powers, and, grasping insanely at the whole universe, is mocked only by the possession of vacancy. It is the old story of Ixion with his cloud. A most preposterous notion seems to have been entertained, at this period, by both parties, that the simple alliance with France would of necessity effect the independence of the United States. There was no sort of reason for the conjecture, and it led to results of evil, which were anticipated by Washington and the more thoughtful minds in America, and against which they uttered most solemn words of warning and exhortation. It led to the increase of vigour in the operations of Great Britain, and to the diminution of exertion on the part of the colonies. New-England at once ceased to put forth any strength, and exertion ceased pretty much everywhere, except just in those sections of country which were kept in alarm and danger by the actual pressure of the enemy. And why should such large expectations be entertained with regard to the favourable influence of this French connection? How should France, in such a conflict, do more for our colonies than she had done for her own, in a war not long preceding, in which Britain had humbled her at every point, driven her from every stronghold, and left her with scarcely any portion of the country on which to rest her feet? True, that in these performances, Britain then had enjoyed the alliance with the American colonies, now arrayed against her, and these colonies had furnished no small part of the armies with which the fighting was done; but the strength of Great Britain lay in her marine, and against this France never did show herself able to make head. Great Britain had not been beaten, and her successes in Europe had never been greater than during the very period preceding the present, the pangs and wrongs of which France was eager, but of herself quite unable, to resent. To dictate such terms to Britain was to provoke her people into hostility, and warm their passions to a hearty support of king