The third pretext was, that the Rajah had made war on the princes or Polygars of Marawar and Nalcooty, whom the Nabob alleged to be his dependants.-The fact of the war is ad mitted; but the fovereignty of the Rajah being acknowledged, (which was allowed by the Prefidency in 1772, and by the Nabob himself in 1762) he must be at liberty to right himself on his neighbours who had injured him. The Nabob had before expreffed, in the strongest terms, his defire that no protection fhould be given to the Marawar princes: he even acknowledged the juftice of the war by calling the territories in difpute the King of Tanjore's country. Yet he clandeftinely incited the Polygars to hoftilities, while he was preparing to make war with the Rajah for having a quarrel with them. On inquiry, it has appeared that there is no proof of these Polygars having any dependence on the Nabob, and their fovereignty is found to be ancient and hereditary. The refult of this war, undertaken on fuch frivolous pretexts, was, that Tanjore, after fuffering great devaftation and plunder, was obliged, in 1771, to fubmit to pay near 700,000l. and to fuch other terms as the Nabob thought fit to exact. At the very inftant in which this treaty, fo advantageous to the Nabob, was concluded, the Prefidency fent orders not to reftore or demolish the fort of Vallum, according to the agreement, but to have it fufficiently garrifoned, under the pretext of an apprehenfion that the Rajah would not perform all the articles of the agreement: they afferted that he equivocated, and immediately annulled the treaty. But no proof or explanation is given of this equivocation. And the truth is, the Rajah did not equivocate, or hefitate to fulfil the agreement. On the evidence of the Nabob's own minifter, Nazib Khan, it appears that the jewels taken from the Marawars were delivered to the Nabob's eldest son, and that the King of Tanjore offered bills, the fame day, for nine lacks out of the fourteen agreed to be paid, and engaged to pay the remainder the Monday following. On this the Nabob's eldest fon hesitated on the infraction of the treaty; but his younger brother broke through it at once, on no other pretence than that his father's pleasure muft, by all means, be preferved.' In this manner the treaty of 1771 was broken, and a fecond made agreeable to the Nabob's pleafure, which however, two years after, he found means to dif folve. The Prefidency, having only agreed to, not ratified the laft treaty, thought themselves at liberty to act contrary to it, as guardians of the public peace. Solely on the charge of the Rajah's enemy, the Nabob himfelf, with only four days deliberation, the Presidency declared his right to protection forfeited, and that it was dangerous to fuffer fuffer him to exift as a power. The firft particular of the Nabob's charge is, that by advice confirmed by the Company's refident at Poonah, the Rajah had endeavoured to bring the Marattas into the Carnatic. This charge is made without any direct information to the Prefidency, and refts wholly on the word of the Nabob and from the account fent by the Prefidency to the Company it appears, that whatever was the negociation, it arofe from a just dread which the Rajah entertained of the Nabob's infincerity and evil defigns against Tanjore. The fecond charge is, that the Rajah had given the Nabob no affiftance against the Polygars, but had received them, and fupplied them with ammunition. Of this no proof is given: befide, it must be remembered, that the Nabob had juft quarrelled with the Rajah, for making war on these very Polygars, and now, for not making war upon them, and that thefe contradictory charges were made at the interval of about two months, without alleging any act of rebellion fubfequent to the time in which he confidered them as under his protection. A third charge is, that the Rajah had taken fome runaway Polygars under his protection, and given them a refidence. As the nature of the crime of these runaways is not fpecified, and no other proof of the fact is given but the word of the Nabob, it cannot merit notice. The fourth charge is, that the Rajah had, under the plea of borrowing money, mortgaged fome diftricts of the Tanjore country to the Dutch, French, and Danes. The whole amount of this charge is, that the Nabob forces the Rajah, by invafions and violent extortions, to mortgage fome of his territories, and then makes that mortgage a reason for robbing him of all the remainder. The laft charge is, that the Rajah had refused to pay the money agreed for by treaty, ten lacks ftill remaining due. Though this charge was admitted by the Prefidency without inquiry, the fact is, that this money was, at the time of the accufation, actually paid. The Rajah, notwithstanding the exhaufted ftate of his finances, had borrowed money of Comora, an Hindoo, for this purpose, and pledged a territorial revenue for the payment. This Comora drew bills on his mafter, Paul Benfield, the Nabob's banker, for the amount, which bills (by Mr. Benfield's own confeffion) were in the Nabob's or his banker's hands. On thefe flight grounds, which the Prefidency took up on the bare word of the Nabob, the war was renewed, under the protection of the English arms in 1773, which iffued in the plunder of four millions fterling of the wealth of Tanjore, and the conqueft of the country. Such is the evidence (which must be allowed to carry with it much appearance of truth) on which this Writer juftifies the conduct of the Directors of the Eaft-India Company in restoring Tanjore I Tanjore to its former fovereign. He fubjoins fome general remarks on the impropriety and injustice of making conquefts for the Mahometan princes in India: and concludes with a wifh, in which all true friends to the rights of humanity, without deciding to which party the guilt of oppreffion belongs, may concur: It is hoped that the active partizans of oppreffion, by officiously bringing thefe matters into difcuffion, will roufe the humanity and juftice of his Majefty, this nation, and the Company, in favour of the unhappy nations, princes, and people, who are under our protection, and from whom we derive infinite benefits.' E. ART. VII. Poems, by a young Nobleman, of distinguished Abilities, lately deceased; particularly the State of England, and the once Aourishing City of London. In a Letter from an American Traveller, dated from the ruinous Portico of St. Paul's, in the Year 2199, to a Friend fettled in Bofton, the Metropolis of the Western Empire. Alfo, fundry fugitive Pieces, principally wrote whilst upon his Travels on the Continent. 4to. 2s. 6d. Kearily. 1780. T HE Nobleman, who is fuppofed to have been the Author of these Poems, was fufficiently notorious. Nature had bestowed upon him confiderable talents: thefe talents, under the care of a moft excellent father, had met with the highest cultivation. Such were the advantages with which he entered into life. Unfortunately both for himself and for the world, there was fomething ftill wanting to give a proper direction to thofe abilities for which he was foon diftinguifhed. Devoted, unhappily, to the purfuit of pleasure, he feems to have been one of those who emancipate themselves from every principle which oppofes the gratification of their ruling appetite. A mind enslaved by vice, and enfeebled by a conftant attention to low and fordid enjoyments, feems incapable of that dignity and elevation which are fo effential to true poetry. Hence it may be that we meet with fo few marks of thofe diftinguifhed abilities which are announced in the title-page of thefe poems. Though we indeed expected not the "dignity of verfe," we yet looked for brilliancy and wit. In this refpect, however, we are allo difappointed. The firft poem, the State of England in the year 2199, is heavy and unanimated. Neither force of genius nor grace of fancy are difplayed in it. A Boftonian is fuppofed to vifit the ruins of London; a poor emaciated Briton, who officiates as Ciceroni, is his attendant. After expatiating on the different objects that had engaged their attention, they proceed into a field And And mingled indignation thus exclaim'd.- "Raz'd even with the duft, by the joint hand Happy and great, nor would the envious foe At Britain's downfall.. The only attempt at any thing like poetical description, is in the paffage that immediately follows: thought revolv'd on thought, K With With many a fhaft, upon his bruis'd limbs In his right hand he held a broken spear, In bloody characters. The poem afterwards concludes with some rhymes, which, we are of opinion, muft have been added by a very inferior hand, as they are fuch as would confer no honour on the belman. The fecond piece in the collection is addreffed to Lady Catharine A-nf-y, on her departure for Ireland. This, as well as the poem that immediately follows it, addreffed to a friend from Venice, contains fome tolerable lines. The verses we are moft pleased with are An Invitation to Mifs WARE-RT-N. Already wafted from th' empurpled meads And thofe his lov'd retreats, where shadowy woods Defcend, and gurgling through the op'ning vale, In Tempe's vale; where the delighted gods With Thee could be compar'd, nor could their charm's We |