takable, useful labour, and they do not believe in the gratuitous services of such men, except it be for sick and disabled brethren, or for men who have not the means of bestowing compensation. They would prefer to see those who have won their confidence, and who may serve them in any public capacity, paid for the sacrifices they will be called upon to make. It is thus alone, they say, that we can hope to occupy a position due to our numbers, our usefulness, and importance to the State.

It is quite possible that I might have gained more converts if I had kept back a few of the facts here mentioned. I prefer, however, to state the whole truth as far as I have been able to recognise it, believing that no lover of justice will see aught unreasonable in any of the arguments put forth to establish the claims of working men to direct representation.

GEORGE ODGER.

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT IN ITS RELATION TO

THE PRESENT TIME.*

FROM the publication of the Pope's bull of excommunication

against Luther to the death of the Reformer, nine-tenths of the German nation had declared themselves against the Roman system of Ultramontanism as the enemy of their Fatherland. In 1560, Cardinal Morone wrote from Worms to Cardinal Farnese that the question now was "not so much to preserve Germany as to take care not to lose other countries." Even among those who, alarmed by Luther's vehemence and the abuse of individual liberty, had, during the last ten years, withdrawn from the Reformation, there was not one who believed the Reformation unjustifiable, or that salvation was only to be found by returning to the Papacy. They never doubted the absolute necessity of breaking with Ultramontanism. They only believed that the work of reformation ought to be carried on with more caution and discretion than had been shown by Luther. Of the same opinion were the two most learned of the German Reformers, Melancthon and Bucer. Of converts proper to the Church of Rome there is at this time no mention. There were none till after the Council of Trent, and these became the most rabid

* Dr. Pichler, the writer of this paper, was formerly Vicar of the Hofkirche St. Cajetan, in Munich, under Dr. Döllinger, and Teacher of Theology in the University. His views were too liberal for the Ultramontanes, who have succeeded in getting all his books put into the Roman Index. He is now Principal Librarian of the Imperial Library, St. Petersburg.—Tr.

Ultramontanes. But on the other hand, Erasmus, Zasius, Wicel, Scheurl, and many others who broke with Luther, were regarded at Rome, because they did not return to Ultramontanism, as no less heretics than the Lutherans.

This party, who were well acquainted with the whole business, believed that Rome would and must yield reforms, the inevitable necessity of which would soon be manifest to every child. They were deceived. There was, indeed, in the Curia a moderate party, at the head of which was Cardinal Contareni, but the advocates of the old system always prevailed. They might with propriety, indeed, ask their moderate colleagues what the result would be if they gave up the principles established by the decretals of the Pseudo-Isidore? When one part of the Papacy went to the ground, the rest would soon follow. They were not satisfied that the Reformers, as they had said repeatedly with the greatest decision, were willing to let the whole episcopal system stand, and were ready to give the Bishop of Rome the highest rank according to the doctrine laid down by the Fathers, and received by the Greek Church. The Papacy could now less easily bear a critical examination of its claims than at an earlier time, when the clergy were the sole possessors of learning and teachers of morality among a barbarous people, who regarded the gigantic fabric of the Papal dominion as the wonderful work of God. And so we find that in the instructions given to the legates sent to the German Parliaments, they were charged, "before all to look to the preservation of the authority of the Roman See.* The Protestants were described as house-vipers in the Church of God, cunning little foxes, slippery eels.† Pope Paul III. declared openly in the year 1540, that it was merely for the sake of appearance that Rome sent legates to Parliament, when questions of religion were discussed. He once wrote in the beginning of a letter to Bishop Thomas Arminius of Feltry, Although we always condemn, and as far as possible try to hinder, discussions about religion which are held without our authority, yet we desire, after the example of Christ, who came down from heaven to earth for the salvation of the human race, not to seek mere earthly glory, but even to give our life for the sheep committed to our care, and purely because of the command of the Emperor we send legates to the conference at Worms." The stand-point of the Curia, in its relation to Protestantism, could not be better characterized than in these words. Without absolute submission to the

So also in the instructions of the legates sent to the Parliament of Spiers, 1540, it was enjoined "ut servetur Catholicorum et imprimis sedis Apostolicæ debita autoritas et reverentia."-MS.

"Viperæ in domo Dei domestica, astutæ vulpeculæ, anguillæ lubricæ."-MS. + MS.

Pseudo-Isidorean Papacy there is no Christianity and no salvation. This has been the watchword from the beginning unto the present hour.

Under such auspices began the Council of Trent, which, according to the very just words of Sarpi, "confirmed the separation, and made the union of the two parties impossible." Whatever does not bend must break. All who refused thoroughly to receive the Ultramontane Papacy were thrust out from Christendom as heathens and publicans. And this though they could give the strongest assurance, as indeed the leaders of Protestantism had done from the beginning of the strife, that they never for a moment contemplated separation from the Catholic Church. The Council of Trent is the official charter of Ultramontanism; or, to express it in another way, it is the forcible subjection by Romanism of the Christian German spirit, which was checked in its free and normal development. With only one exception, that of the notorious zealot, Otto Truchsess, Bishop of Augsburg, the Council consisted of members from the Roman nations, especially Italians and Spaniards. And while all Germany was in flames, even the name of Luther, much more the entire movement of which he was the leader, was scarcely known in Italy or Spain, or, at most, they had only "ship-news" of it. The Papal legate, Martellius, remarked in the Synod of Geneva, July 8th, 1532, that none but Germans could be capable of "such great and criminal wickedness as the godless and frightful heresy of the Lutherans, and least of all a city renowned from antiquity for its knowledge and virtue. With the reception of this doctrine, body and soul, wealth and goods, all must perish."* A free, Christian and German council, such as Luther had wished, and to which, as Melancthon justly desired, the laity might be admitted,† did not receive a moment's consideration. The most important questions which concerned the Protestants, such as tradition and justification, were settled before the arrival of the Protestant theologians. They had only, as guilty persons, to receive their sentence of condemnation. The Catholic Bishops of Germany expected nothing but a severe rebuke for their negligence in not sufficiently opposing that new heresy. This is the true reason why they were absent from the Council. But the German air was already too strong for the

* From the original in the archives of Geneva, first printed in the "Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les pays de langue Française." Par Hermingard, Genève et Paris, 1868.-" Quod quidem facinus tantum ac tam nefarium etsi víx cuiquam credibile videatur, de ea præsertim civitate, etc. Si hæc ulla ex parte vera esse reperientur, intelligatis, nihil ejusmodi sine pernicie animarum rerumque omnium vestrarum exitio et confusione accidere posse."

† Berthold of Chiemsee, in his "Onus Ecclesiæ," says, "Reformatio non fiet nisi in aliquo generali et libero candidoque concilio, ubi spiritu sancto, non maligno, locus ad spirandum daturi-Concilia. . . . vel Romæ seu alibi coram potentibus tractantur, ubi humilibus et fidelibus non liber est expressio."

Romans. They emigrated to Bologna. It was only by earnest efforts on the part of the Emperor that he succeeded in bringing them back to Trent.

Of the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, who, according to the old proverb, never went willingly beyond the Alps, there was nothing, or at least extremely little, to be discerned in this assembly. Some members indeed spoke with great freedom of the existing evils. Freest of all was the speech delivered on March 14, 1546, by Barthold Carranza, who was afterwards prosecuted on suspicion of heresy. Some of them, as Cardinal von Lotharingen, insisted strongly on Gallican liberties, but they were all united in the unconditional condemnation of Protestantism. Nowhere, however, was there any appearance of the least understanding of its essential meaning. To the Papal legates they described Protestant colleges and synods as "cisterns." Of the perfect truth and inviolability of the Roman Church system in all essential points they were perfectly convinced. This is sufficiently evident from the decision already mentioned concerning tradition. Not the spirit of Christ, but the most shameful spirit of self-righteousness possessed the leading members. The interest of the hierarchical dominion, especially of the Roman Curia, in union with the national pride of the Romans against the Germans wishing to reform the Church, influenced the Council, not merely in its decisions, but, a matter of not less importance, in reference to the things which were left undecided.

"Ye

From the beginning of the Council the Fathers made themselves merry at the expense of the Germans, and even ridiculed them in their public speeches. Johann Consilius, a Franciscan, in a speech delivered January 3, 1546, lighted up the countenances of the holy Fathers by applying to the Protestants this humorous oracle*Egeans are neither the third nor the fourth, nor even the twelfth ; ye neither come into our speech, nor into our thoughts." The worthy monk explained it as a particularly favourable omen that the leader of this tragedy had died at the very beginning of this Council. He died, said the monk, after taking a hearty supper, while the pious Fathers had begun their work with fasting. After such evident approbation from heaven he urged the assembly earnestly to go on, and to wrest the booty, that is, the German nation, from the hand of the devil. "All evil," said Alphonso Salmeron, the Jesuit, "comes from the north." "Where now," he cried, "among all the Germans who are called Catholics, is the love of the people for their shepherds, who rather loathe them and flee from them as if they were wolves and tyrants ?” July 17, 1546, Marcus Laureus, the Dominican, said, "The German heretics take

* Ὑμεῖς δ ̓ Αἰγιέες οὔτε τρίτοι οὔτε τέταρτοι, οὔτε δυοδέκατοι, οὔτ ̓ ἐν λόγῳ οὔτ ̓ ἐν ἀριθμῷ.