Debate on Sir George Savile's Motion for which it would now of necessity throw the Repeal of the Quebec Government Bill.] in the way of accommodation between the April 14. Sir George Savile made his pro- provinces and the mother country, he an mised motion for the repeal of the Act of the ticipated the grand objection which he ap14th of his present Majesty, intituled, " An prehended would be urged against the imAct for making more effectual provision mediate expediency of its repeal. It for the government of the province of would probably be said, that no form of Quebec.' Among a variety of arguments government had yet been planned for us adduced in support of this motion, he to establish in its stead; and that it would urged that the Bill for regulating the be most irrational to put an end even to a government of Canada had from the be- bad government before there was a good ginning been considered, by the other one ready to replace it. But this evil provinces in America, as inimical to their would be avoided, and yet every other liberties, both from the discordant seeds purpose fully answered, if the effects of of religion and government, which it was the repealing Bill were not to take place to sow between them and the inhabitants till after the next session. The Ameof Canada, and from its evident object ricans would be instantly satisfied that the in extending the limits of that province injurious measure would be done away as beyond its former bounds. The jealousies soon as possible, and before the Act raised by this Act had produced a peti- should take place, a mode of constitution against it two years ago from the tional government could be laid down for oiher provinces, which unhappily for this them, and ready to be carried into execountry ministry had too rashly rejected. cution, so that no interval of anarchy The revolted provinces had considered was in any respect to be apprehended. this measure of government as the first He concluded by a warm exhortation to link of those chains which were intended the House not to treat this motion with to bind them in the most ignominious the same indifference that they had so slavery, therefore it was absolute folly long persevered in shewing to every adto think of their listening to any terms vice that came from that side of the of accommodation till that link was bro-House; for that the fate of it would ken. Whilst that Bill was unrepealed, it was impossible we should ever persuade them that we were earnestly disposed to leave them in the undisturbed enjoyment of liberty. He strengthened his deduction by quoting the opinion delivered a few days ago in that house by governor Johnstone, one of the commissioners now going out to America. That gentleman, even after his appointment, had declared that the Quebec Act ought to be repealed. It was one of the most necessary concessions to be made by this country. Besides the consideration of our other provinces, he insisted that the Act was never a popular one, even among the Canadians themselves: it had indeed given pleasure to the little noblesse who derived a few superior privileges from it; but he had been assured, that it was far from being agreeable to the generality of the people. After he had stated the various disadvantages produced by this Bill; the effect it had in promoting the revolt in America, and the impediments intention, than as affording any immediate benefit, or even as holding out any future advantage, of any great importance to Ireland." Annual Register. bear a very near relation to the fate of our proposed treaty of accommodation. Mr. Jolliffe objected to the propriety of repealing an Act, whose operation was so extensive, without any petition or evidence offered against it, without any complaints from the inhabitants of the province, without any kind of proof that it was injurious in its effects, or disagreeable in any degree to that people for whom it was framed: in short, that he had not heard a single argument to induce his assent to the motion; and he thought that as people without doors were so ready to find fault with their representatives, it should be their study within doors not to give an opportunity for its being said, "you make laws ignorantly in one session, which you repeal in another." Mr. Fielde wondered it could be asserted that no argument had been adduced to warrant the repeal of the Bill, or that no complaint had been made against it. He asked the hon. member, if the opinion of governor Johnstone, one of the commissioners going out to treat with America, was no argument? Did not the petition presented two years ago contain complaints? And had not the hon. gentleman who made the motion given reasons suffi cient to evince the good policy of the repeal he moved for? The Americans, he said, were alarmed at the first passing of the Bill. They looked on it as a sample of that despotic mode in which they should be hereafter governed themselves; and if this Act was one of their first incentives to revolt, was it to be presumed in the present state of affairs that they would not insist on a repeal of it? or that our refusing to do it now would not confirm instead of allaying their alarms? Sir George Howard was against the motion, as he had been assured, from the best authority, that in the present disposition of the Canadians it would be highly dangerous. Such was the opinion of sir Guy Carleton, a man for whose understanding and abilities he had the greatest respect, and who from a long experience of the habits and temper of that people should be supposed well acquainted with the subject. The Americans, he said, had invaded Canada at the beginning of the contest. They tried force and persuasion in vain to gain them over to their interest; would it now be prudent or generous in us to sacrifice the inclinations of that province to the wishes of the others? It was allowed that the noblesse, at least, approved of the present mode of government, though the rest of the people disliked it; was this then a crisis to hazard experiments? In a word, so far was he from agreeing in the expediency of the motion, that he apprehended there were but two things likely to cause the loss of that province to this country; the one was, the repeal of this Act; the other the recall of sir Guy Carleton from the government of Quebec. As to the circumstance of recalling that general, he had no kind of certainty whether it was determined on or not; but if it was, he should fear much for the consequence. Mr. T. Townshend avowed the greatest respect for the merits of sir Guy Carleton, as well as for the last speaker, though he was not so happy as to agree with them in that instance. He also saw the danger to which our possession of Canada was exposed by the recall of that general; but he was surprised to hear that his recall was yet a matter of doubt with any person. Was not general Haldimand appointed in his stead? And had he not delayed a few days too long on a visit to his friends in Switzerland, would he not this day have been in his government of that province, whilst sir Guy would probably have been then at the bar of the House, giving his opinion upon the measure in agitation? He was as sensible as any man to the military merit of that great man; he admired his virtues, and felt the strongest indignation at the ungrateful treatment he had received at the hands of administration; but, notwithstanding those sentiments, he could not help considering him as a prejudiced judge on this occasion, as the Bill which was now to be repealed was framed by the advice of that gentleman; it was a favourite Bill of his, and his former inclination for the principle of it might bias his present opinion of its operation. Besides, though he allowed much to the judgment and experience of that governor, yet he had a strong instance of his being deceived in his ideas of the Canadians, which he begged leave to recall to the memory of the House. He had been examined at the bar about four years ago, when the Bill was about to pass that House; and he then declared that he had very little reliance on the English settlers there, but he had great confidence on those who were stiled the Croix de St. Louis, and improperly the noblesse of that country. on the invasion of that province by the Anglo-Americans, those English, of whom he was so diffident, were the only persons who saved Quebec from falling into the hands of Montgomery, It had been urged that there was no petition against the Bill; but had there not been a petition against it two years ago, when the repeal of it was moved for by the same hon. member? There was indeed no petition now before them, for the ill-treated Americans were no longer our petitioners. Those who wanted argument in favour of the motion, he referred to the opinion of a man whom ministers themselves shewed their reverence for, by appointing him their commissioner, though he had always opposed their measures, and denied their abilities to govern: it was a disgrace, to be sure, to enact laws ignorantly, as the hon. member had said, but it was the more honourable to repeal them. Yet 54 96 * See Vol. 17, p. 1367. "His Majesty, relying on the experienced zeal and affection of his faithful Commons, and considering that, in this critical juncture, emergencies may arise, which may be of the utmost importance, and be attended with the most dangerous consequences, if proper means should not be immediately applied to prevent or defeat them, is desirous, that this House will enable him to defray any extraordinary expences incurred, or to be incurred, on account of military services, for the service of the year 1778, and to take all such measures as the exigency of affairs may require." Lord North moved, That the Message be referred to the Committee of Supply. Sir George Yonge considered it very improper, in the present crisis of affairs, to vote indefinite sums of money to an administration so incapable of expending the public revenue with economy and effect. He thought the emergencies ought to be ascertained to the House, the sums specified, and authentic documents laid upon the table. Mr. Turner was of the same opinion: the House ought to sit and vote the money gradually, as the wants and occasions arose. Mr. Townshend said, it was no secret, that the Toulon squadron, consisting of 12 ships of the line, and several others of inferior force, had sailed from that port on the 13th of April, in order, as was supposed, to strike some decisive blow in the western world. Yet what had been the conduct of administration? To keep our fleet idle at home, or for no other purpose but to be exhibited as a public spectacle, to gratify the curiosity of those who were inclined to waste their time and money. He then pointed out the very defenceless state of our several dependencies in North America and the West Indies; and said, he trembled for their fate. As soon as ministers had notice of the forwardness of this armament, they ought to have dispatched a sufficient force to watch their motions, and have taken such a certain station as would have put it out of the power of D'Estaing to elude us. What was the case now? The fleet was sailed; but whither, no man could tell; whether to Halifax, the Delaware, Quebec, to attack our West India islands, or to make a conquest of the East Indies. He asked, whither is the spirit of England fled? Where is the wisdom that used to pervade her councils? Where are the terrors gone with which she was wont to fill the bosoms of those who dared to insult her? Britain, he feared, was betrayed; treachery and corruption vied with each other to see which should first effect her downfall and disgrace. He was remarkably severe upon those who, he said, affected to fill the rank of ministers, and directly charged them with ignorance, laziness, incapacity, and treachery; and lamented, that while our pageant shews and streamers were wantoning in the wind at Spithead, our glory was tarnishing; our coasts were insulted; and the British flag for ever disgraced. Lord North hoped, that when the hon. gentleman knew the preparations that had been made, and the care taken to protect this country from invasion, he would not so hastily condemn the ministry as treacherous and incapable. The utmost exertions had been made; and though no fleet had yet sailed to oppose the Toulon squadron, that could not be properly laid to the charge of ministerial incapacity, since the French had it at all times in their power, by their mode of supply from their register, to man out a fleet sooner than we had. Mr. Adam congratulated the nation on the recovery, in some degree, of that worthy spirit which had on so many occasions signalized the nation. The example in the hon. gentleman (Mr. Townshend) shone so bright, that he hoped it would be followed. Mr. Pulteney begged the House to remember that the advice of the sailing of the Toulon fleet, came to the administration on Monday the 27th ult. and no privy council was summoned until the Wednesday following. The wind was fair for sailing even till Saturday last, and the opportunity was neglected. The motion was agreed to. May 6. The House went into a Committee of Supply; in which a Vote of Credit to his Majesty of one million was moved. Mr. T. Townshend drew a picture of our national defence, having, as he said, a militia without arms, who were gone to be encamped without tent equipage; and a navy, either not manned, or not victualled, but lying embayed at Spithead for the mere parade of a naval review, while the Toulon fleet had sailed on its expedition, which | House-" that they had suddenly rushed might prove fatal to the distant settle- from backwardness to precipitation, from ments of the British empire. He enquired despondency to confidence, from checking whether we were actually at war or at the ardour of administration to a criminapeace with Spain, that she dared to insult tion of their inactivity." But had not the our flag in her ports, and our commanders change of public affairs reconciled the conwere so degradingly treated by her, whilst sistency of these two lines of conduct? every attention was paid to the ships of our The first was between us and America, revolted provinces, and their captains sa- the latter between us and France. That luted with naval honours by the admiral at related to an offensive war against our Cadiz? Was it the mere incapacity of ad- brethren; this to a defensive one against ministration which tempted Spain to treat our natural enemy. Upon the whole, he us with such reproach? If it was; that would not oppose a grant which was for incapacity was as injurious to the nation such necessary purposes, but he appreas the blackest treachery. He asked if it hended it would be of little use, if the adwas possible for ministers to be awake, and ministration of affairs remained in the yet suffer the Toulon fleet to sail, without hands of men so flagrantly ignorant, and taking a single step to oppose them? so scandalously negligent as the present Could they call themselves ministers and servants of the crown. guardians of the nation's weal, and yet confess that they had procured no intelligence till Monday sen❜night, of the departure of that fleet on the 13th of April? Was it from want of power to oppose them, or from the same inauspicious fatality which had banished every honest man from the councils of his Majesty? Was our navy a mere pageant fleet, or was it equal to actual service? Was it victualled and manned, or was it yet to be equipped? Did the registry of seamen in France give her an advantage over us in the speedy equipment of her navy? Was this never known till that day? Were we so ignorant of this advantage, that no exertions should be made to guard against it? Where was now the boasted respectability of our navy? Were we to trace it in the pillages suffered on our coasts, or the alarms and terror into which so many parts of the kingdom had been lately thrown, by invading insolence? But the plundering a nobleman's house, the ravaging a few estates, or burning an odd town, were not perhaps objects to challenge the vigour of our fleets! The spirit of the militia was certainly great. The ardour of the first men in the kingdom, and the generous alacrity of persons of every condition to enter into that constitutional body, left us little apprehension for our internal defence; but in this, as in every other instance of the conduct of government, there were many evident neglects. The delay in calling them out, and the want of tents and arms, left them even yet unequal to the duties of essential service. He appealed to the House on the validity of the charge of government against gentlemen on his side of the Mr. Penton assured the House, that we had a fleet ably equipped, and ready to sail when commanded. He denied that the Spanish admiral had returned the salute of the rebel privateer, and said he had his information of the affair from no less an authority than captain Rowley himself. He vindicated the ministry respecting the Whitehaven affair. Such attacks had been made in the most active administrations, of which the descent of M. Thurot upon Carrickfergus in the north of Ireland, during the last war, was a recent instance. Every thing that could be done on that occasion, had been instantly put in execution. Four ships of force were dispatched in different courses, in search of the privateer, and would, he hoped, be soon able to give some account of her. On being asked by sir G. Yonge, if the fleet at Spithead had received any orders for sailing, he declined giving an answer to that question, unless called upon by the House. Mr. Fox asked the House, if any man in his senses would give a vote of credit to an administration, who were always the last to learn what they should be the first to know? An administration who could be so insensible of the sudden emergencies of such times as these, that, when official advice came of an event almost universally understood for several days before, not more than one of them could be found in town; their amusements had engrossed their attention; nor could a sufficient num ber be procured for holding a council till the hour of debate was lost? Who, then, could support such ministers? Who could be extravagant enough to trust them with the expenditure of a single shilling? Lord George Germain acknowledged that appearances were against the ministry; but appearances were not to justify a condemnation; a full enquiry into the circumstances might place their case in a different light. For his part, he was ready to meet every scrutiny, and wished punishment to fall where it was deserved. When the dispatches arrived he took the speediest means to convene the ministers from the country, where some of them were. From the time of their arrival the greatest expedition had been used by him, in sending the orders of council to the proper officers at Spithead; but misfortunes were not always to be avoided. He hoped, he heartily wished, our affairs might take a happier turn; and concluded by urging, that it would have been imprudent to have dispatched after count D'Estaing a fleet intended for our home defence before we knew the destination of his fleet. Mr. For then begged the attention of the House to a resolution which he had lately moved in the Committee on the State of the Nation, "That the navy in its present state is inadequate to the defence of the empire." Ministers then opposed it by assertions and votes, but they now confirmed it in argument and action; for the noble lord admitted that a fleet should have been ordered out for our external protection if our internal defence could have permitted it. He asserted, that a fleet might have been spared from the immediate protection of our coasts, as he was confident our militia and army would be fully sufficient to repel any foreign invader: there were ample resources in the present spirit of the nation to mock every menace of invasion. With such a dependence, how was it possible to estimate the guilt of ministers who could tamely suffer an hostile squadron to carry unmolested destruction to the British army in America? The disgrace of a Burgoyne was, it seemed, to be atoned by the defeat of a Howe, and the want of information, respecting the Franco-American treaty, was compensated in the ignorance of D'Estaing's sailing and destination. Was there any thing more wanted to seal the fatal character of the present inauspicious ministry? Or could they any longer hope to be trusted with the treasures of a nation they had so shamefully betrayed, and of whose situation the noble lord himself seemed to entertain such little confidence? He wished to know whether a fleet had even yet been ordered to sail after the $ French squadron, and, if not too late, to prevent the destruction of our navy and army in America. Lord George Germain complained that his words were not fairly interpreted: he wished, indeed, that the orders of council could have been sooner dispatched to Spithead, but he had not expressed a single idea of despondency. The navy was now in a formidable state, and was every day increasing in strength and numbers, sufficient to warrant the fairest hopes. If ministers had been disposed to trust the defence of this kingdom to the militia, much as the fleet might be wanted at home, a number of ships might have been sent abroad. The painful pre-eminence of office at such a time was little to be envied; for his part, if any gentleman of talents and inclination to serve his country wished to come into his place, he was ready to resign it. Mr. Burke said, it was idle to pretend that the destination of the Toulon fleet had been so long a secret, or that it was criminal if true. American pilots had been long engaged to conduct it. We had lost the advantage of the wind, which blew to the west during the month of April, and that by the crime of ministers; were we therefore to give our purse strings to their will, and retire in confidence to cultivate our gardens, smooth our lawns, and assume the little offices of rustic magistracy? Could we trust the sole gui. dance of the ship of the state to pilots, whom we have so lately detected in the basest torpor, whilst the danger threatened-who had left her to the mercy of the waves, quitting the decks in the moment that called for all their skill and activity-who were not to be found when the squall came on. Alas! the rudder was lashed, and Palinurus gone to sleep! He concluded by lamenting that his country should be reduced to the poor dependence of hopes and prayers, the arms of old women; and that a British minister, instead of acting the statesman, and timely exerting the strength of the nation, should dwindle into a priest, and piously offer up his prayers for the salvation of his country. Sir Edward Astley would not give his assent to the vote of credit. He asked whether government were sure of the allegiance of Canada? and whether they had not received accounts that they were preparing to revolt; had desired to be admitted into the league with the thirteen united colonies, and had solicited the mar |