THE SECOND REPUBLIC AND THE SECOND EMPIRE IN FRANCE

(A.D. 1850-1852)

RICHARD LODGE

FTER the suppression of the socialist

Arising of June, 1848, Cavaignac had

carried on the government of France with almost perfect tranquillity. The Assembly proceeded with its work of drawing up a constitution for the Republic. The legislative power was intrusted to a single chamber of 750 members chosen by manhood suffrage. constitution All parties agreed to place the executive

The new

power in the hands of a president. The chief
discussion arose on the question whether the
president should be chosen by the Assembly
or by the nation, but ultimately it was decided
that he should be elected by universal suffrage
for four years. The subordination of the
president to the assembly was strongly as-
serted, but no means
means were suggested for
enforcing it. It was a hazardous experiment
to create two powers both having an inde-
pendent origin, without any provision to avert
a deadlock between them. But, for the mo-
ment, future dangers were forgotten and

Napoleon elected

men's minds were absorbed in the approaching election, which was fixed for December IO. The republican candidate was Cavaignac, who had given conclusive proofs of his honesty and of his ability to rule. His most formidable rival was Louis Napoleon, who Louis had been elected in September by five depart- President. ments. This time no opposition was made to his return to France, and he took his seat as deputy for the department of the Seine. Little was known of him but the futile conspiracies of Strasburg and Boulogne, but his name was a charm to conjure with. Thanks to Thiers and other writers, the memory of the first Napoleon had come to be almost worshipped in France. The peasants and soldiers believed that the rule of another Napoleon would secure their prosperity and their glory. The Orleanists also supported him, in the belief that they could use him as their instrument to effect the restoration of the July monarchy, but events proved that their confidence in his incapacity was ill-founded. From the first commencement of the voting, the result was a foregone conclusion. The recorded votes numbered nearly seven millions and a half. Of these, Louis Napoleon received 5,434,226, and Cavaignac only 1,434, 107. On December 20, the President took the prescribed oath to observe the Constitution, and entered upon his official residence in the palace of the Elysée.

Napoleon's

From the first, Louis Napoleon made it enormous his aim to abolish the Republic and to revive majority. the Empire. In complete contrast to Louis

Rising

in Paris.

Philippe, who had relied upon the middle
class, he sought support from the peasants, the
army, and the priests. The expedition to
Rome, under Oudinot, was intended as a
bribe to the soldiers and the Church. The
Constituent Assembly, having completed its
work, was dissolved, and a new legislative as-
sembly met in Paris on May 26, 1849. The
elections gave evidence that the republicans
had lost the confidence of the people. The op-
position consisted of about 120 extreme demo-
crats under the lead of Ledru-Rollin, and
they revived the old revolutionary title of the
"Mountain." The failure of Oudinot's first
attack on Rome gave occasion for a rising in
Paris in June. But the troops, under Chan-
garnier, speedily put down disorder, and the
movement of reaction was
was strengthened.
Ledru-Rollin fled to London. Several of
the republican journals were suppressed, and
a new law was introduced to shackle the press.
In October, the President dismissed his minis-
ters, who were too constitutional for his tastes,
and filled their places with more obscure but
more docile instruments.

To a certain extent, the President and the majority of the Assembly pursued common objects. Both were hostile to the Republic; but while the latter wished to restore a consti

tutional monarchy, Louis Napoleon scarcely troubled to conceal his despotic inclinations. As long as they could work together, the progress of reaction was rapid. The parti de l'ordre, headed by Thiers, Broglie, Molé, and Montalembert, determined to avert the dangers threatened by universal suffrage. After a stormy debate, in which Thiers excited the fury of the "Mountain" by speaking of "la vile multitude," they carried their proposal fra restricting the suffrage to citizens domiciled for three consecutive years in the same commune (May 30, 1850).

As the period of his presidency was running out, and the constitution prohibited his reelection, it became necessary for Louis Napoleon to take active measures to secure his power. As his designs became more and more apparent, the Assembly began to show distrust and hostility. In January, 1851, General Changarnier was dismissed from the command of the Paris garrison and the National Guard, apparently because his regiments had not raised the cry of Vive l'Empereur! at the recent reviews. The Assembly declared its confidence in the general and its want of confidence in the ministry. This compelled the retirement of the ministers, but their successors were equally docile to the President, and equally unacceptable to the legislature. Petitions, got up by Napoleon's agents, poured in from the provinces to demand a revision of

The suf

is

Prepara-
tions for
an Empire.

d'Etat.

the Constitution, but the requisite majority of votes in the Assembly could not be obtained, and the project was dropped. Napoleon now determined to throw himself upon the support of the people. The Assembly had made itself very unpopular by the law of May 30, 1850, which had reduced the number of electors by three millions. The ministers proposed the repeal of the law, but the majority refused to give up their measure. Thus the President posed as the champion of democratic liberties against an oligarchical and reactionary Assembly. At last Louis Napoleon considered that his time had come, and fixed December 2, the anniversary of Austerlitz, as the date for the long-meditated coup d'état.

The necessary preparations had been careThe Coup fully made by Napoleon's agents, M. de Morny, Generals St. Arnaud and Magnan, and M. de Maupas, the prefect of police. On the night of the 1st, while suspicions were lulled by a grand party at the Elysée, the troops were distributed, and the necessary placards and proclamations were printed at the government press. The first blow was struck by the imprisonment of the most dangerous opponents. Generals Cavaignac, Changarnier, Lamoricière, Bedeau, together with Thiers, Victor Hugo, and Eugène Sue, were simultaneously seized in the middle of the night and dispersed to different prisons. In the morning, proclamations appeared in all