neutrality of Yugoslavia and Roumania in an eventual war with Greece, it is certain to make immediate preparations for an attack upon its southern neighbor, in order to reconquer the Ægean coast, the shores of Marmora, and the approach to Constantinople. It has already excited the distrust of Roumania toward Greece, by representing to that country the danger presented to its own interests by the extension of Greek influence on the Black Sea and the Straits. With the Yugoslavs Bulgaria uses the argument of racial solidarity- an old song forgotten during the war, and temporarily displaced by that of Pan-Touranism— and by keeping alive the Monastir controversy and that of Saloniki, where Serb territorial and commercial interests conflict with those of their southern neighbor. Now the geographical situation of new Greece is such that the Bulgarian danger, sufficiently serious in any case, has greatly increased by the facilities the present frontiers afford for a rapid descent from the Rhodopos Mountains to the Ægean.

intriguing at Belgrade to excite the Serbs against Greece, the Italians are intriguing at Athens to prevent Greece from becoming friendly with Yugoslavia. It is this preoccupation on Italy's part which explains all the concessions of more or less durability and sincerity which its diplomats have felt it expedient to make to Greece. When we look the ground over carefully, we are forced to conclude that the interests of the government at Athens will be more compromised by a break with the Adriatic Slavs than with the Italians. The conflict of interest between Greece and Italy will always be an insurmountable obstacle to real friendship between them. But Greece would derive a vast advantage from allying itself with the Yugoslav nation, which in case of an Italian-Greek war would be powerful enough of itself to intimidate Italy, and which, on the other hand, by its influence upon the Slav nations, might avert all danger of invasion from that source. No doubt, Italy is seeking to sow incurable discord between Yugoslavia and Greece, in order to strike both enemies easier when they are divided. That fact alone ought to decide both Greece and Yugoslavia to close political coöperation, since such coöperation is the best guaranty for the security of each.

Since Roumania is interesting itself increasingly in central Europe, and as a consequence has lost its former concern in Balkan questions, it is certain that Greece will have no other recourse than to cultivate the friendship of Yugoslavia. The kingdom might thereby acquire for itself a valuable and durable guaranty against Bulgarian threats. Unhappily the Greeks have a hereditary dislike and distrust of the Slavs. The Slavs mean to them the northern invader, an alien avalanche that ever impends above their heads. The enlargement of Servia, which is now a state of twelve million inhabitants, has greatly increased this dread. Yugoslavia is suspected of a design of continuing its old program of expansion. While the Bulgarians are

When all these matters are finally arranged, Greece will still face two problems, that of Turkey and that of Russia. The Turkish problem is not all-important of itself. The present Turk nationalist agitation, though it may not be artificial and may represent a true popular movement, likely to disperse itself in petty unsystematic efforts and thus sacrifice all hope of success. The Turks must make headway, not only against. Greek armies in Smyrna but also against those of England on the Sea of

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On April 26 an international conference was held at Constance, at which the revolutionary proletariat of the countries represented drafted the following appeal:

You have proved by years of continual struggle that you are ready to make every sacrifice for the attainment of our proletarian ideals. The indescribable and incredible oppression and persecution of international capital has not to broken

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your spirit or bowed your heads. Your resolution is as strong as ever. Now rally to deliver such a blow as international capital has never before received. Long live solidarity! Long live the Third International! Long live the class struggle!

This convention, before adjourning, adopted the following program, for not which preparations were to be coment pleted by the 15th of June, 1920:

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V. Austria: General strike with an immediate armed uprising extending to Hungary.

VI. Hungary: Assistance for the Austrian armed uprising.

VII. Germany: General strike, developing into an armed uprising.

VIII. Poland: General strike and immediate uprising with the assistance of revolutionary soldiers.

This proclamation is signed by von Platen, Punze, and Drzimallak. At the motion of Comrade Mrs. Zetkin, it was unanimously decided to distribute at once a circular demanding an immediate resumption of relations with Soviet Russia. Furthermore, the following telegram was sent to the Communists of Austria: "The Communist party of Germany thanks you for your fraternal greetings and hopes that the time has at last come when the laboring classes will seize actual power, and establish a Soviet republic and dictatorship of the proletariat.'

How far preparations went in the eight countries named, with the exception of Germany, has not come to our knowledge. We have fairly accurate data as to Germany. At Halle a list was taken from a courier of the

Red forces.

This memorandum, which is tabulated according to army departments and army divisions, shows that in the neighborhood of four hundred and ten thousand Bolsheviki are enrolled members of revolutionary militant organizations, and that they have in their possession, in addition to small arms, 10,870 machine guns, 290 flame throwers, 700 mine throwers, and 420 fieldpieces. Readers should bear in mind. that this list covers only part of Germany. The sources from which war materials were obtained are in some cases indicated; but there are no data as to where they are at present concealed. The courier who carried this list stated that the armed Red army, actually equipped, numbers 400,000 men, and that it includes an equal number without arms.

An advertisement inserted by the District Committee of the Social Democratic party in Greater Berlin, in Vorwärts of April 15, proves that it is planned to call upon the Majority Socialists as well as the Radical Socialists to join the revolt. That notice reads as follows:

Party comrades! The trade union alliance will, as already made public, send out lists in which every wage-earner, salaried employee, or government official, can enroll his name, if he is prepared to defend the republic with arms in its struggle with our domestic enemy. Comrades! We appeal to you to enroll at the first opportunity. Every man capable of bearing arms is obligated to offer himself for the protection of the republic. Don't delay. Let every man do his duty.

Vorwärts and the Local Committee will naturally assert that they merely intend to defend the republic, and will prudently refrain from giving any indication of when they consider it will be necessary to employ weapons against their domestic enemies. They are in favor not only of arming the

the rest of the population, especially the bourgeoisie. Otherwise they would not have supported the motion of the Independent Socialists, pre sented at the meeting of the Berlin city council on May 12, worded as follows

Moved; that the Local Defense Guard of Ber lin be disbanded immediately, and its arms be de livered to the municipal authorities. Moved further, that the municipal authorities shall b authorized to form a Berlin Local Guard whos members shall be drawn from lists presented b the trade unions and civil servants' unions c every party.

Naturally this demand for the dis armament of the bourgeoisie and like wise of the National Guard, is als made in other places than Berlin. Th weapons surrendered are naturally to be turned over to the Red Revolution ists, who will be in virtual possession o them as soon as they are in the hand of the Municipal Authorities. Mean time an effort is being made to per suade members of the national guar to deliver their arms directly to the working people. An appeal to it: members contains the following:

You have no time to lose. You must ac quickly. No harm will come to the soldier who voluntarily surrenders his weapons. Many thousands have already done so, and have re turned home in security without molestation Officers who have done the same are likewise unmolested. Take warning, soldiers; act as your conscience dictates. Down with your arms From this day on there is only one password in Germany: Peace and freedom. Peace in the cottage! War in the palace!

In a circular addressed to the local groups of the North Western Department, urging men to enroll in the local defense forces, we read:

Esteemed comrades! Our experience during the Kapp revolt has taught us anew that one of the most urgent duties of the working people is to arm themselves. In place of the Public Defense Force, which we demand shall be disbanded, we are organizing local guards in each

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district, to be composed mainly of working men and salaried employees. We urge our party comrades to enroll in these new organizations. In case the man offering to enroll is required to take an oath to defend the constitution, he should not hesitate for that reason. Such an oath will have only the same force as the oath formerly demanded of social democratic members of the Prussian Parliament to defend the old Prussian constitution. Our party comrades must be fully armed. For the time being it is a matter of indifference how they get those arms. In most localities only Trade Union members will be permitted to enroll in the local guard. Ordinarily their party affiliation will not be inquired into. Nevertheless, it is desirable that those members of the local guard who belong to the Communist party should get together and form a sort of inner circle.

A number of alarms and printed warnings have appeared to indicate that the people throughout the country are aware of the danger which threatens. A report of the Ministry of the Interior, dated May 17, 1920, containing the information presented by several military and civil authorities in Münster, indicates that the situation there is exceedingly critical. Local authorities throughout the Ruhr region state that only a few arms have been surrendered by the people, and that it may be assumed with certainty that a large number of weapons are still in the hands of the working classes. From 80,000 to 100,000 rifles are illegally detained in that region. Officials are constantly receiving threatening letters. Judges have been so intimidated by threats that several have refused to serve on the extraordinary military courts, especially in Dorsten and Essen. When the radical labor guard in Kiel, numbering 1400 men, dissolved, its weapons and equipment utterly vanished. In addition the working men at that place. seized a deposit of 3000 rifles. Since March there has been a People's Guard at Hamburg, consisting of 35,000 men, a great majority of whom are ultra-radicals. At Rostock the labor guard took away 4100 rifles when it was disbanded, beside 21 machine guns and 12 cannon. In addition the local police of the city were recruited from the ranks of this organization. At Spandau the workers carried off more than 80,000 cartridges, and many guns which have never been recovered. The attempt to collect the arms in Berlin has been most un

We learn in a report coming from als Suhl, in Thuringia, how little imporThtance the Red insurgents attach to the y to source from which they get their weaption ons. This report states how the radioncals in that district obtained arms. Evidence is presented that the uprising there was no spontaneous movement of the people, but a carefully and planned and worked out scheme for a the sudden attack upon the bourgeoisie.. Several munitions works were plundered and merchants were compelled by force to surrender arms and ammunition. The insurgents thus got possession of a great quantity of sporting arms, automatic pistols, and cartridges of every kind. These plundering expeditions were led by former employees of the establishments, and were accomplished by breaking in doors and windows. At the same time an effort was made to discover the hiding place of any arms, stores of provisions, and automobiles, owned by the bourgeoisie. The same policy is indicated by a Hamburg questionaire sent out by the Communist party, the last question in which is especially informing. reads:

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Is a comrade ready to enlist in the National Guard, or the Public Safety forces as a spy?

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satisfactory. The members of the former Red army who have converted themselves into the so-called Republican Volunteers, number 18,000. However, the focus of the communist preparations for an armed revolt is

really in central Germany and the Ruhr district. Between Hettstedt and Eisleben they have seized and effectively hidden 9000 rifles and 200 heavy machine guns. Arms are constantly being taken away from soldiers by the local guards. A particularly notable instance occurred at Sangerhausen on May 15. Although the troops have been able to maintain outward order in the Ruhr district, the spirit of revolt among the masses is unbroken. Of the 40,000 rifles which the insurgents took away from the Local Guard, and the 80,000 which they secured by other means, only 44,000 have been surrendered. At Remscheid the working men have concealed 10,000 rifles and four field-pieces. The evidence collected in Berlin makes it quite clear that the Communists, in association with other radical elements, are preparing for an armed uprising, originally planned to take place soon after the middle of June. The Constance protocol shows that this uprising is only part of an international conspiracy. These activities are closely associated with the propaganda bureaus at Copenhagen and Amsterdam.

[Kölnische Zeitung (Conservative Daily, British Occupied Territory), June 3] THE WHITE TERROR

BY OSKAR MYSING

DURING the revolution which has prevailed in Europe for almost three years, a number of old epithets and bywords have been revived, reappearing like bloody spectres from the dusty corners of history where they have lurked forgotten. One of these terms is "The White Terror.' No sooner do the middle classes rally to enforce law and order, no sooner does some mad military adventure lead to imprisonments, than the radical papers

run giant headlines protesting against 'A White Terror.' This White Terror, whether it be in Budapest, or Potsdam, or Pomerania, fires the fancy of every red journalist, who thinks it his duty to announce a reactionary conspiracy to his readers in every issue. How did the word originate? Where was it first used? It is a term handed down from the French Revolution, and became current after the bloody incidents that occurred in Southern France during the summer of 1815. At that time the Bourbon party in the cities, of Southern France was engaged in a fierce struggle with the supporters of Napoleon and the Revolution. short-lived reign of terror ensued, which caused a mighty commotion throughout the world in its day, and yielded nothing to its predecessor of 1793 in brutality and barbarity. Yet most people have forgotten that 1815 was a year of bloody civil war in France, which paralleled in many ways 1920 in Germany.

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In the summer of 1815 France was a country against which the hand of every other land in Europe was raised. It was conquered, humiliated, threatened with partition. Napoleon had been defeated at Waterloo. An allied army of half a million men was either upon its soil or about to invade it. The nation was divided against itself. Wild anarchy reigned everywhere. Hostile factions existed in every department and every city. Each group with bitter anger charged its adversaries with responsibility for the great defeat. This discord was already present when Napoleon returned to France, and after a marvelous, triumphant procession of twenty days, reascended the throne. It was kept in the background so long as his mighty name intimidated the country, and the possibility of an ultimate victory remained; but now he was defeated and his supporters