Another point of imperial policy towards the Russian church has been to restrict the education of the clergy. The clergy of the Greek church, when young, after first undergoing a primary education, separate, some to enter the universities of the higher and monastic clergy, some to follow the lower schools, where they fit themselves to become popes or curates. The latter may marry, and their education has been always limited. But the higher and monastic clergy had ever a high range of education, and some of the monasteries were seats of learning. The jealousy of the Czars, pursuing the narrow policy of Peter, has stopped all this. Any high or troublesome amount of learning is denied them. What then, it may be asked, have the Greek clergy of Turkey to gain by being assimilated to that of Russia, and placed under the same yoke? The monks of Mount Athos are ignorant, because they are poor, but no law and no tyrant prevent them making use of their libraries if they please to do so. The Greek church has the elements of much that is politically valuable. It would work admirably with free and constitutional government. But if the Greek church should be passed through the iron rollers of the Russian state machine, it loses every quality of an independent, enlightened, and civilizing church. people who are novices from proceeding in the like manner, I mention this most heart-rending case to show that although they may imagine the ground around them comparatively speaking safe, yet, should their feet once really stick fast, all mechanical skill (except perhaps steam, which is not likely to be handy when such an occurrence takes place) will not save them from an almost certain slow and untimely end. Four brothers were digging in Peg Leg Gully, endeavoring to bottom a hole again that had been filled up during the floods; the stuff that had to be thrown out was soft sticky clay. After getting nearly down, they had not taken due precaution to shore the sides up properly, not thinking of the immense weight of stuff that was in all the surrounding filled-up claims and the small original wall that there was to support this weight. One of the banks slightly giving way, they endeavored to keep it up (when too late) with shores, branches of trees, &c. While who was down in the pit, stuck fast; not thinkin the act of doing this, the younger brother, ing much of so sticking for a moment, I believe he continued working; however, finding he could not extricate himself, his brothers immediately rendered their assistance; this was of no avail, and immediately they called for help. In less than a minute many arrived, with ropes, buckets, bailers, shovels, scoops, &c., and set to work endeavoring to clear away the stuff; and some sailors dropping down got him slung, when every one that could get hold tried to pull him These reasons, and a great many more, rela- out, he at the same time having his arms round tive to the different classes of a population, his elder brother's neck, who had got his again would make it a matter of great regret if his back, the elder one having a good hold with underneath his brother's arms and clasped round the Greeks of Turkey were not allowed to his feet. But it was of no avail; the stuff slowly emancipate themselves, and to form an inde-filled in upon him, and as it rose the poor pendent state, and church and empire, apart brother was compelled to let him go to save his from Russia. The yoke of Turkey is now so own life, and the unfortunate lad was smothered. light and so easily humanized, if not broken, There was one thing that might probably have that there is really no need of two hundred saved him, if any one had thought of it at the thousand fiery Russians to effect it. Diplo moment; the boots that he had on were a pair macy may ordain all the reforms and all the of bluchers, and long before the stuff had even emancipation desirable. Let us hope that reached his knees he could have pushed his hand it will undertake the task courageously, and down and out the strings, when his boots would that the Russians, who have yet much to do have stuck, but his feet would most likely have to civilize their own empire, as indeed Count come away, and the poor fellow's life been saved. Nesselrode admits, will confine themselves As soon as the news of the accident reached my therein, and leave the Greeks and Sclavons, late to be of any assistance; and, had I been ears, I repaired to the spot, but found it was too of more southern regions, to pursue a more there, the chances are, the thought about cutting free and more liberal course, without being the boot-laces might not have struck me at the on that account less good Christians or less moment. Read's Australia. orderly and industrious men. HOGARTH'S PICTURE. One of the correspondIn addition to danger from crimes of vio-ents of "N. & Q." inquires where he could see lence, and the risk of sickness (which, accord- some pictures from this great artist. May I ask ing to Mr. Read, is greater than is generally if he is aware of the three very fine large paintsupposed), there was a singular danger at ings in the Church of St. Mary, Redcliffe, Brissome spots, in an adhesive soil. tol, which I am told will shortly be sold? BRISTOLIENSIS. P. S. They were painted for the church, and the vestry holds its autograph receipt for the payment of them. From the Athenæum. The British Cabinet in 1853. Nelson. [Re printed by Lippincott, Grambo & Co. Philadelphia.] THE object of this volume is, to give an account of the characters and careers of " Her has an interesting passage on the philosophy of "cabinet making;" and in his "History of growth of the English Cabinet as a political England" he writes, while describing the institution It ut length drew to itself the chief executive power- yet strange to say it still continues to Majesty's Ministers." A very interesting be altogether unknown to the law. The names book might be written on such a subject; but of the noblemen and gentlemen who compose it the execution of this one falls below the ex-are never officially announced. No record is pectations raised by its title. It is a mere kept of its meetings and resolutions; nor has its Compilation, neither exhibiting wide research existence ever been recognized by any act of nor dealing in graphic writing. parliament. Bentham was strongly opposed to " Boards," While turning over its hastily-penned pages, we have been struck with the fact that the sayings and doings of many of the cabi- which he wittily called screens; but though net have been repeatedly recorded, and some- an individual minister may thus often escape times criticized, even in that calm world of condign censure, yet in the responsibility that "science, literature and art" in which it is attaches to all the cabinet the public have our privilege and happiness to toil. The the best guarantee for vigilance that experititles and names of Aberdeen, Lansdowne, ence has devised. Into this curious question Russell, Gladstone, Molesworth, Clarendon, we could go further: - but we must, in prefGranville and Argyll, have been familiarized erence, proceed to our illustrations of the to us, though remote from the political world; present cabinet-beginning with the First and without transgressing our unalterable Lord of the Treasury. conventions, we can give from our own resources some illustrations of a cabinet whose members have many claims to the respect of cultivators of" science, literature and art:" -a "triple alliance" which is working wonders under our new and advancing civilization. Lord Aberdeen is in many respects well qualified for an English Prime Minister. Born in 1784 (in the same year with Lord Palmerston), he succeeded early in life to the Scottish earldom of Aberdeen. His family is a branch of the Gordons, but Sir Egerton Brydges is rather doubtful how to trace it. The author of this volume might have pre- We have, however, authentic proofs in Scotfixed to it a dissertation on the nature of tish history that the Gordons of Haddo have "the cabinet" in our constitution. Its his- been eminent for three centuries. The church tory is one of the most curious chapters in of "Haddo's Hold" in Edinburgh is to this English government. Originally the word day called after one of the premier's ancescabinet" was applied only to the room in tors, imprisoned there (temp. 1644). One of which the ministers of any state assembled; his successors was Lord Chancellor of Scotand by an easy transition in popular parlance land (1685), and was created Earl of Aberit came to be applied to the ministry. In deen and Lord Haddo. The present Prime the latter signification it has been stated by Minister is the fourth Earl of Aberdeen. He some writers that both the word and the was sent to Harrow School at an early period; thing-cabinet and council of state occur and from thence he was removed to St. John's earlier in Italian and in French than in Eng. College, Cambridge, where he graduated M. A. lish history. The readers of Clarendon will in 1804. Forty-nine years is a long time to look recollect the passage in which the historian back, but we shall see that the noble lord has refers to Charles the First and his secret slowly and surely since then ascended the ladcabinet," Strafford, Laud, and Lord Cot-der of ambition. Of the early expectations tington. In ancient times the privy council formed of his abilities there is the convincing transacted the functions now belonging to the proof that he was elected successively in cabinet and Lord Bacon remarked that 1806, in 1807, and in 1812, amongst the repthe members of the privy council were too resentative peers of Scotland. On the last numerous for despatch and secrecy. Mr. occasion he was highest on the list of votes, Hallam, in disserting on the history of-and in 1811 he moved the address in the the cabinet, has confessed, in his "Constitu- House of Peers. tional History," that he had not the means To a nobleman of talent it is often a disadof tracing the matter clearly; and nothing so vantage to commence life in the House of strongly shows how entirely conventional and Peers. It is but rarely that the debates technically indefinite is the "cabinet," than there are conducted before an audience large the celebrated debate in 1806, on Lord Ellen- enough to justify those flights of eloquence borough being admitted a Cabinet Minister which, successful in a crowded assembly, while he was also a Chief Justice. In his seem almost ridiculous before a couple of score essay on Sir William Temple, Mr. Macaulay of languid listeners. It might have been a 46 perception of this fact, felt by many young Europe, and his acquaintance with the tone peers, that induced Lord Aberdeen to turn his of thought prevailing in their cabinets. His attention to diplomatic life. After leaving temper is undisturbed by partisanship. He college he had made an extensive tour, and is not a system-monger in his views of foreign then acquired attainments which of them- affairs-and is not carried away by the love selves would have given to his name eminence of theory. Like the Duke of Wellington, he as a virtuoso. His Essay on Architecture has strong feelings on the inapplicability of drew down on him the characteristic couplet the popular system of government to some of from Lord Byron — the races in Europe whose impassioned spirit hurries them to excesses. With his fame associated with the last settlement of Europe, he has a personal interest in the maintenance of peace and his advent to the premiership of England is a favorable augury against the horrors of war. First in the oat-fed phalanx shall be seen The travelled Thane, Athenian Aberdeen. Without any previous training under the foreign office, Lord Aberdeen was sent as ambassador to Vienna, with the purpose of endeavoring to detach the Emperor Francis from alliance with Napoleon. Of the great ability with which he performed his duty there are many proofs in the ninth volume of the Castlereagh Despatches. He was not long in obtaining the confidence of the Austrian Cabinet; and while he was cautious in his conclusions about men and things, his despatches show a sanguine expectation that the Napoleon system would fall. He signed the treaty of Paris in 1814 as one of the plenipotentiaries. For his eminent services in his difficult mission, he was made Viscount Gordon in the English peerage. Many persons have been often surprised at the long interval between 1815 and 1828 having elapsed before Lord Aberdeen was again placed in high office. The circumstance can easily be explained. His aptitude was for foreign affairs; and it could not be supposed that while Castlereagh and Canning lived the Liverpool cabinet would raise the Earl of Aberdeen to the station to which he was soon appointed on the formation of the Wellington ministry. After his embassy to Vienna, and his services there, the noble lord did not care for any "subordinate" department. With highly cultivated mind, and with many intellectual resources, he enjoyed the lettered life of a scholar. About thirty years ago he purchased Argyll House from the ducal family of that title: -a spot associated in fancy with the pathetic interview in "The Heart of Mid-Lothian' between Jeanie Deans and the Duke of Argyll. In 1812 he was elected president of the Society of British Antiquaries. an office which he resigned in 1846-he is still one of the Directors of the British Institution. Of a spare figure, with a cold manner, savoring of the official formalist, Lord Aberdeen is not calculated to lead in debate yet there is a judicial gravity in his style. His views are always lucid-expressed in correct diction-and his argument is consecutive. His vast experience, his prolonged and confidential intercourse with his friends Wellington and Peel, his extensive attainments, and the peculiar calmness of his nature, give to his opinion that moral authority in the counsels of his sovereign which men of greater genius but less discretion never could attain. By the command of his royal mistress, the figure of the noble earl was grouped by Winterhalter in a portrait-piece with those of her two greatest subjects-the Great Duke and the renowned "Member for Tamworth." This compliment from the court was marked and emphatic; and in accordance with it was the deference paid to Lord Aberdeen by the members of the present cabinet. Rare must be the qualities of the minister under whom such statesmen as Lord John Russell, Lords Palmerston and Clarendon, Sir James Graham, and others, can be content to sit, without being obnoxious to the charge of deficiency in self-assertion. Turning from the leader of the House of Lords to the leader of the Commons, the contrast is striking. If any one in 1827 had observed the tendencies of these distinguished persons, how he would have derided the notion that what Madame de Staël called "ce grand mot de circonstance" would now place them both, side by side, as the main supports of a united cabinet. In 1827 Lord Aberdeen was an oppositionist to Canning-in the same year Lord John Russell, without taking From the time when, in 1828, Lord Aber- office under that statesman, assisted him in deen went to the foreign office, he has been his difficult position. Even at that early peaccepted as the expositor of British conserva- riod of his life, "Lord John" had fixed attentive views on the peace of Europe. Without tion on himself, by his intellectual industry, offering any opinion on the propriety of the and by the frequency with which he had sought. policy identified with his name, it may be the laurels of the Muse. As a novelist, he fairly characterized as deferring to prescrip- had sighed over the fortunes of "The Nun of tion rather than to progress. The essential Aronea" as a biographer, he had told the forte of the Earl of Aberdeen is his complete story of Lord William Russell- -as an editor,. knowledge of the personnel of the courts of he had published the Letters of Lady Rachel on Valdez. It was my aim, Lucero. That you have gained. My appetites Were in one potent essence concentrate, Russell as an historian, he had written - that intrepidity of spirit which in a life of "Memoirs of the Affairs of Europe". - as an action is worth more than mere talents or essayist, he had produced an able dissertation hoarded attainments. His outward form was The Causes of the French Revolution,' "frail and weakly; his countenance sicklied over and an elaborate tract on "The Turks in Eu- with the effects of ill health and solitary selfrope"-and as a dramatist, he had composed communing; his figure shrunken below the di"Don Carlos." He had also written sundry that of a meditative invalid. But within that mensions of ordinary manhood; his general air vers de société - and had given repeated proofs feeble body was a spirit that knew not how to of being what Moore called "a high cower, a gallant heart that could pulsate vehe thoughted spirit." We have, as we write, mently with large and heroic emotions, a soul nearly all of his literary productions lying that aspired to live nobly in a proud and right before us they are all indicative of a manly career. His voice was weak, his accent thoughtful mind, with a deep moral tone. mincing with affectation, his elocution broken, Here is a passage from "Don Carlos," which stammering, and uncertain, save when in a few reads with interest as we think of its writer's lucky moments his tongue seemed unloosed, and vast success in the political drama wherein there came rushing from his lips a burst of epihe has played so leading a part. grammatic sentences logical, eloquent, and terse and occasionally vivified by the fire of genius. Then would his right hand convulsively be clenched, his head proudly thrown back, the outline of his face become rigid and drawn, and the small form seem to dilate, while the cheek would blanchen with moral excitement, as the ecstasy of applauding partisans made the walls of the senate ring with echoing cheers. But these visitations of the Muse came few and far between. Always an adroit and apt debater, with a tenacious memory and tact in applying his previous knowledge to a disputed question, he was so deficient in those physical gifts and personal endowments which charm large assemblies, that he failed in gaining that moral ascendency over others which is the result of first-rate oratorical power. Yet his defects as a speaker were amply compensated for by his merits as a By birth belonging to the hereditary whigs man. Nature gave him his bold and fearless Lord John Russell by his pursuits and as- spirit and he gave himself a moral purpose. sociations became identified with the literary in the Edinburgh School of Philosophy, and had He had the advantage of being trained to think liberals. Applauded by Mackintosh, favorably" reviewed" by Jeffrey - he was hailed learned from Dugald Stewart to scale the height of speculation, and contemplate with philosophic as a rising planet by the Holland House co-spirit the sublime and spiritual problem of human terie; and his pen was deemed so formidable, destiny. He was not bred up in the routine that quarterly volleys were poured on him training of a duke's son, but had been cast into every year from Albemarle-street. But none contact with variety of classes in early life. He of his literary recollections are more honora- brought into English politics more of that methble to him than his life-long friendship for odizing and theoretical philosophy than has Thomas Moore. Not many months before the generally been fashionable in our legislators. poet died, we received some strong proofs of He never wholly lost the challenging and dis the genuine warmth of that friendship. We putatious investigation of principles which rehad the good fortune to be present, under sults from the study of speculative science. He interesting circumstances, at a reunion of the would, probably, have never been a man of action if he had not been driven onward by an oldest living friends of Moore, whose names appear frequently in his Diary. The conver- his country's memory with acts of historical reambitiously patriotic purpose to link his name in sation turned on Lord John's attachment to nown. A thorough Englishman, he worshipped Moore, and the testimony of several present the constitution of his country in the orthodox as to its sincerity was emphatic. We allude whig creed by which the great revolution famito the circumstance, as it enables us to place lies seek to rule the party attached to progress. before our readers a graphic description of By family pride and ancestral recollections being Lord John Russell. We have had access to attached to popular ideas, he thirsted for the dethe personal and political reminiscences of one licious draught of personal popularity won by of that company, and amongst them we find great deserts. Political life, therefore, presented the following elaborate portrait: to him a scene of aesthetical and sentimental enjoyment awakening pleasurable sensations. For the drudgery of office, for the laborious toil that is not showy or dazzling, he had neither the liking nor the powers. Having no stomach for very Lord John Russell presented so many contrasts in his character that he is worthy of special study. He had that native force of resolution statistics, he had not the least aptitude as a The point and polish of the foregoing pasfinancier, and was out of his sphere when the sage are not less remarkable than its broad destiny of the country hung upon economic political truth. It records in striking terms ideas, and was best suited for political struggle that attachment to the constitution as a whole in an age when he could usefully dissert upon which has been always a popular feeling in constitutional metaphysics, and preach up the England. Mr. Macaulay has perhaps too virtues of a mixed form of government, hallowed often used "the lamp of Aladdin" as an illusby glorious recollections and inspired by histori-tration in his brilliant" Essays"- but Lord cal traditions. He read at length what he called one of the John spoke the following passage in 1819, The essay entitled "The Causes of the French Revolution" was published anonymously in 1832, and in an octavo volume. It is only a portion of a work designed on an extensive scale. No one can read it without years: perceiving that the author was a man of reflecting mind and highly exercised understandfrom a speech delivered in 1819 by Lord John ing. He treats, the "French Revolution" as Russell, in which he said: -"Old Sarum ex- the necessary sequence of protracted despotism isted when Somers and the great men of the and an utterly irrational system of government. revolution established our government. Rutland We will cite from it a passage that contains sent as many members as Yorkshire, when the very essence of philosophical whiggism, Hampden lost his life in defence of the constitu- and epitomizes the general view of the tion. If we should change the principles of our conservative-liberals for the last twenty constitution, we should commit the folly of the servant in the story of Aladdin, who was deceived by the cries of new lamps for old." The Despotism and democracy, indeed, bear a language in which Lord John Russell had clothed striking resemblance in many of their features, his ideas in his famous Aladdin speech was as which was long ago pointed out by Aristotle. graceful as ever came from the best orators or Each is suspicious, jealous, fearful, fond of writers of his party. Often as it has been flattery, cruel, capricious, and tyrannical. Aris quoted in public assemblies, it was never read tocracy, again, when uncontrolled, is as much with more elocutionary or graceful emphasis than to be feared as either despotism or democracy. by Sir Robert Peel, whose silvery tones and From the history of the world, therefore, it modulated voice did full justice to the follow- would appear that will, however general, cannot ing words, pregnant with political truth. be considered as a good basis of government. "Our lamp is covered with dust and rubbish, Servile men, indeed, who worship authority, but it has a magical power. It has raised up a adore an arbitrary king; prejudiced men, who smiling land, not bestrode with overgrown are dazzled by birth and wealth, cringe to an palaces, but covered with modest dwellings, arbitrary aristocracy; enthusiastic or ambitious every one of which contains a freeman, enjoying men, who think, or affect to think, that there is equal protection with the proudest subject in the virtue in numbers, ory up an arbitrary multiland. It has called into life all the busy crea- tude; but a philosopher, who weighs things tions of commercial prosperity. Nor when men calmly, sees, in all these disguises, the dominion were wanted to defend and illustrate their of a frail, fallible mortal; and refuses to give country, have such men been deficient. When unlimited power to a being whose mind may be the fate of the nation depended on the line of clouded by all the varieties of error, and whose policy which she should adopt, there were orators will may be perverted by all the whirlwinds of of the highest degree placing in the strongest passion. Upon surveying the history of governlight the arguments for peace and war. When ment, he sees that the raw material, man, must we decided upon war, we had heroes to gain us be manufactured into something artificial before laurels in the field and wield our thunders on he is fit for the purposes of government; that he the sea. When, again, we return to peace, the must be "through certain strainers well requestions of internal policy, of education of the fined" before he can assume the direction of his poor, of criminal law, found men ready to devote species. It is for this reason that all the most the most splendid abilities to the well-being of applauded governments-Sparta, Rome, Engthe community. And shall we change an instru- land, Holland. have been formed upon the ment that has produced effects so wonderful for principle of mutual control. It is by dividing & burnished and tinsel toy of modern manufac-power among different orders and classes; by ture? No; small as the remaining treasure of the constitution is, I cannot consent to throw it into the wheel for the chance of obtaining a prize in the lottery of revolution." multiplying forms and privileges; by giving the people an attachment to settle rules of proceeding, and a habit of loving justice; by filtering the turbid current of popular opinion through vari |