tranquil!" The agitators, forsooth! Does he venture—has he the intrepidity to speak thus? Agitators! Against deep potations let the drunkard rail; — at Crockford's let there be homilies against the dice-box;― let every libertine lament the progress of licentiousness, when his Majesty's ministers deplore the influence of demagogues, and whigs complain of agitation! How did you carry the Reform? Was it not by impelling the people almost to the verge of revolution? Was there a stimulant for their passions, was there a provocative for their excitement, to which you did not resort? If you have forgotten, do you think that we shall fail to remember, your meetings at Edinburgh, at Paisley, at Manchester, at Birmingham? Did not three hundred thousand men assemble? Did they not pass resolutions against taxes? Did they not threaten to march on London? Did not two of the cabinet ministers indite to them epistles of gratitude and of admiration? and do they now dare — have they the audacity — to speak of agitation? Have we not as good a title to demand the restitution of our Parliament, as the ministers to insist on the reform of this House?

30. MILITARY QUALIFICATIONS DISTINCT FROM CIVIL, 1828.

It has been maintained that the genius which constitutes a great military man is a very high quality, and may be equally useful in the cabinet and in the field,— that it has a sort of universality equally applicable to all affairs. That the greatest civil qualifications may be found united with the highest military talents is what no one will deny who thinks of Washington. But that such a combination is rare and extraordinary, the fame of Washington sufficiently attests. If it were common, why was he so illustrious?

I would ask, what did Cromwell, with all his military genius, do for England? He overthrew the monarchy and

he established dictatorial power in his own person. And what happened next? Another soldier overthrew the dictatorship and restored the monarchy. The sword effected both. Cromwell made one revolution, and Monk another. And what did the people of England gain by it? Nothing. Absolutely nothing! The rights and liberties of Englishmen, as they now exist, were settled and established at the Revolution in 1688. Now, mark the difference! By whom was that revolution begun and conducted? Was it by soldiers? by military genius? by the sword? No! It was the work of statesmen and of eminent lawyers,―men never distinguished for military exploits. The faculty-the dormant faculty-may have existed. That is what no one can affirm or deny. But it would have been thought an absurd and extravagant thing to propose, in reliance upon this possible. dormant faculty, that one of those eminent statesmen and lawyers should be sent, instead of the Duke of Marlborough, to command the English forces on the continent!

Who achieved the freedom and the independence of this our own country? Washington effected much in the field; but where were the Franklins, the Adamses, the Hancocks, the Jeffersons, and the Lees,-the band of sages and patriots whose memory we revere? They were assembled in council. The heart of the Revolution beat in the halls of Congress. There was the power which, beginning with appeals to the king and to the British nation, at length made an irresistible appeal to the world, and consummated the Revolution by the declaration of independence, which Washington established with their authority, and bearing their commission, supported by arms. And what has this band of patriots, of sages and of statesmen given to us? Not what Cæsar gave to Rome; not what Cromwell gave to England, or Napoleon to France: they established for us the great principles of civil, political and religious liberty, upon the strong foundations on which they have hitherto stood. There

may have been military capacity in Congress; but can any one deny that it is to the wisdom of sages,-Washington being one, we are indebted for the signal blessings we enjoy?

213. Antithetical and Ironical: Circumflex Inflections. Predominating Compound Stress (§ 103) on emphatic syllables.

31. THE RIGHT TO TAX AMERICA.-Edmund Burke.

1. But, Mr. Speaker, we have a right to tax Amèrica." Oh, inêstimable right! Oh, wonderful, transcendent right! the assertion of which has cost this country thirteen | provinces, six | islands, one hundred thousand | líves, and seventy | millions | of money! Oh,

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R O invaluable right! for the sake of which we have sacrificed our rank | WRC to m SRC

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among nations, | our importance | abróad, | and our happiness | at

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home! Oh, right, more dear to us than our existence, | which has already cost us so much, | and which seems | likely to cost us our

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all! Infatuated | man! miserable and undone | country! not to

know that the claim of ríght, without the power of enforcing it, |

is nùgatory and idle. We have a rìght to tax America, the noble

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lord tells us, therefore we ought to tax America. This is the pro

found | logic | which comprises the whole | chàin | of his reasoning. 2. Not inferior to this was the wisdom of him | who resolved

to shear the wôlf. What, shear a wolf! Have you considered the

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resistance, the difficulty, | the danger, | of the attémpt? No, says

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the madman, I have considered nothing but the right. Man has a

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right of dominion over the beasts of the forest; and, therefore, I will

Во wh BC tr and to h BC shear the wolf. How wonderful that a nation could be thus delùded! But the noble lord deals in cheats and delusions. They are the daily | traffic of his invention; and he will continue to play off his cheats

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on this house, so long as he thinks them necessary to his purpose,

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snatch to waist

and so long as he has money enough at command to bribe | gentle

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slowly men to pretend that they beliève him. But a black | and bitter

lift

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shake

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day of reckoning | will surely còme; and whenêver that day comes, I trust I shall be able, by a parliamentary impeachment, to bring

h C pr upon the heads of the âuthors of our calámities the punishment they deserve.

32. THE PARTITION OF POLAND, 1800.-Charles J. Fox.

Now, sir, what was the conduct of your own allies to Pôland? Is there a single | atrocity | of the French in Itály, in Switzerland, in Egypt, if you please, more unpríncipled and inhúman than that of Rússia, Aústria, and Prússia, in Póland? What has there been

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in the conduct of the French to foreign powers; what in the viola1fROF W 1 R C W 1 tion of solemn | trèaties; what in the plunder, devastation, and disf R OF 1 f memberment of unoffending countries; what in the horrors and

murders perpetrated upon the subdued victims of their rage in any

district which they have overrùn,— worse than the conduct of those three great powers in the miserable, devoted, and trampled-on

Kingdom of Poland, and who have been, or are, òur | allies in this war for religion, social | ôrder, and the rights of nâtions? Ô, but

WLC back you "regretted the partition of Poland!" Yês, regrêtted! — you

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regretted the violence, and that is all you did. You unìted your

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selves with the actors; you, in fact, by your acquiescence, confìrmed exaggerated BO

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the atrocity. But they are your allies; and though they overran and BO w m tr B C to s BC

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divided Poland, there was nôthing, perhaps, in the mânner of doing

it which stamped it with pecûliar infamy and

of Poland, perhaps, was merciful and mîld!

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down

disgrace. The hero

He was "as much

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superior to Bonaparte in bravery, and in the discipline which he

maintained, as he was superior in vîrtue and humânity! He was

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animated by the purest principles of Christianity, and was restrâined exaggerated R O

in his career by the benevolent prêcepts which it incûlcates!" Wâs he?

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Let unfortunate Warsaw, and the miserable inhabitants of the down

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suburb of Prága in particular, | tèll! What do we understand to have been the cônduct of this magnanimous hero, with whom, it 1 SRO

seems, Bonaparte is not to be compâred? (fast) He entered the

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suburb of Prága, the most populous suburb of Warsaw, and there

he let his soldiery lòose on the miserable, unarmed and unresisting h s C W tr

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people! Men, women and chìldren,— nay, ìnfants at the breast,—

were doomed to one | indiscriminate | massacre! Thousands of them

were inhumanly, wantonly bùtchered! And (slow) for what? Because they had dared | to join in a wish | to mèliorate their own condition as a People, and to improve their Constitution, which had

been confessed, by their òwn | sòvereign, to be in want of amènd

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and

ment. And sûch is the hero upon whom the cause of “religion and

social ôrder" is to repose! And sûch is the man whom we praise for his discipline and his vîrtue, and whom we hold out as our boast

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and our depêndence; while the conduct of Bonaparte unfits him to be even treated with as an enemy!

33. CATILINE TO THE GALLIC CONSPIRATORS.-Rev. George Croly.

For Freedom, | if it rushed to your embrace;

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For Freedom, if its sword were ready drawn