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dication in favour of the King of Rome after the battle of Waterloo.
“ –From the information I received in my conversation with our French guests, it appears that the Emperor's abdication in favour of his son, is a matter whiclı, as far at least as my knowledge extends, has been altogether misconceived in England: I mean, as referring to the immediate and proximate causes of it. If the communications made to me were correct, (and I am not willing to imagine that they were invented merely to impose on me,) a grand political scheme was contrived by Fouche to outwit his master, and it proved successful. The name of that crafty politician and ready revolutionist is never mentioned by the members of our little cabin Utica without the accompaniment of execrations, which it is not necessary for you to hear, as it would be ridiculous for me to repeat. Not Talleyrand himself is so loaded with them as the arch-betrayer who has been just mentioned. It was, indeed, a decided opinion of the moment among our exiles, that Fouche would contrive to hang Talleyrand: or that the latter would provide an equal fate for the former; and that, if they both were suspended from the same gibbet, it ought to be preserved as an object of public respect for the service it had done to mankind, by punishing and exposiog two as consummate offenders as ever disgraced the social world.-The Historiette to which I have alluded, was thus related :
“ On Napoleon's return to Paris, after his disastrous defeat at Waterloo, and when he may be supposed to have been agitated by doubt and perplexity as to the conduct he should pursue in that extraordinary crisis; a letter was offered to his attention by the Duke of Otranto, as having been received by the latter from Prince Metternich the Austrian minister. . It was dated in the preceding April, and the diplomatic writer stated the decided object of his Imperial Master to be the final expulsion of Napoleon the First from the throne of France, and tbat the French nation should be left to their uninterrupted decision, whether they would have a monarchy under Napoleon the Second, or adopt a republican form of govern ment. Austria professed to have no right, and consequently felt no intention to dictate to the French nation. The final and ratified expulsion of the Traitor, (such was the expression) is all the Austrian Emperor demands of France.
“Napoleon seized the bait; and immediately abdicated in favour of his son; but he had no sooner taken this step, than he discovered the double game that Fouche was playing. The letter was a forgery, and it soon appeared that the Emperor of Austria had it not in his power, if he had ever indulged the contemplation, to clothe his grandson with political character. (p. 22–25.)
It is known, that on the failure of this scheme, Buonaparte's intention was to have made his e-cape to the United States, and for this purpose he repaired with all speed to
Rochfort: what there took place, and led to a change of determination, was related to the author by the Count de las Cases, in the following terms :
“ On our arrival at Rochfort, the difficulty of reaching the Land of Promise appeared to be much greater than had been conjectured. Every enquiry was made, and various projects proposed; but, after all, no very practicable scheme offered itself to our acceptance. At length, as a dernier resort, two chasse-marees, (small one-masted vessels) were procured; and it was in actual contemplation to attempt a voyage across the Atlantic in them. Sixteen midshipinen engaged most willingly to direct their course; and, during the night it was thought that they might effect the meditated escape.- We met,' continued Las Cases, in a small room, to discuss and come to a final determination on this momentous subject ; nor shall I attempt to describe the anxiety visible on the countenances of our small assembly.-The Emperor alone retained an unembarrassed look, when he calmly demanded the opinions of his chosen band of followers as to bis future conduct. The majority were in favour of his returning to the army, as in the South of France his cause still appeared to wear a favourable aspect. This proposition the Emperor instantly rejected, with a declaration, delivered in a most decided tone and with a peremptory gesture,- That he never would be the instrument of a civil u ar in France. He declared, in the words which he had for some time frequently repeated, that his political career was terminated; and he only wished for the secure asylum which he had promised himself in America, and, all that hour, had no doubt of attaining. He then asked me, as a naval officer, whether I thought that a voyage across the Atlantic was practicable in the small vessels, in which alone it then appeared that the attempt could be made.--I had my doubts,' added Las Cases, • and I had my wishes: the latter urged me to encourage the enterprise, and the former made me hesitate in engaging for the probability of its being crowned with success. My replv implicated the influence of them both.--I answered, that I had long quitted the maritime profession, and was altogether unacquainted with the kind of vessels in question, as to their strength and capacity for such a navigation as was proposed to be undertaken in them; but as the young midshipmen who had volunteered their services must be competent judges of the subject, and had offered to risk their lives in navigating these vessels, no small confidence, I thought, might be placed in their probable security.--This project, however, was soon abandoned, and no alternative appeared but to throw ourselves on the generosity of England.
«°. In the midst of this midnight council, but without the least appearance of dejection at the varying and rather irresolute opinions of his friends, Napoleon ordered one of them to act as secretary, and a letter to the Prince Regent of England was dictated. On the
following day, I was employed in making the necessary arrangements with Captain Maitland on board the Bellerophon. That officer conducted himself with the utmost politeness and gentlemanly courtesy, but would not enter into auy engagements on the part of his government; and, with the exception of Lieutenant-Colonel Planat, every person in the suite of Buonaparte buoyed themselves up with the hopes that they should receive, at least, the same treatment which had been manifested to Lucien Buonaparte in your country; and with that consolatory expectation we arrived off the coast of England.'” (p. 61–64.)
Most of the particulars of the voyage to St. Helena, which could not be very fruitful in events, had reached this country before the return of Mr. Warden; and the conversations which then occurred between him and Buonaparte and the members of his suite, are comparatively uninteresting. The manner in which arrangements were made at St. Helena for the reception and accommodation of this extraordinary and most unexpected prisoner, are also well known; we shall, therefore, pursue our course in quoting such passages as are important, historically considered.
Nothing has excited a greater horror than the charges brought by Sir Robert Wilson against Buonaparte, for inhumanly poisoning his own sick at Jaffa, and butchering his prisoners. Of late, however, some doubt has been thrown upon the correctness of that account by the travels of Dr. Clarke: the following is given by Mr. Warden as Napoleon's own account of the former.
« On raising the siege of St. Jean de Acre, the army retired upon Jaffa. It had become a matter of urgent necessity. The occupation of this town for any length of time was totally impracticable, from the force that Jezza Pacha was enabled to bring forward. The sick and wounded were numerous, and their removal was my first consideration. Carriages the most convenient that could be formed, were appropriated to the purpose. Some of these people were sent by water to Damietta, and the rest were accommodated, in the best possible manner, to accompany their comrades in their march through the Desart. Seven men, however, occupied a quarantine hospital, who were infected with the plague, and the report of them was made me by the chief of the medical staff; (I think it was Degenette). He further added, that the disease had gained such a state of malignancy, there was not the least probability of their continuing alive beyond forty-eight hours.'-I bere exclaimed in a dubious tone, the word--seven! and immediately asked whether I was to understand that there were no more than seven.-'I perceive,' he replied, that von have heard a different account. Most assuredly; General Sir Robert Wilson states 'fifty-seven or seventyseven; and speaking more collectively, your whole sick and wouod. ed.'-He then proceeded: • The Turks were uumerous and powerful, and their cruelty proverbial throughout the army. Their practice of mutilating and barbarously treating their Christian prisoners in particular, was well known among my troops, and had a preservative influence on my mind and conduct; and I do affirm, that there were only seven sufferers whom circumstances compelled me to leave as short-lived sufferers at Jaffa. They were in that stage of disease which rendered their removal utterly impracticable, exclusive of the dissemination of the disease among the healthy troops. Situated as I was, I could not place them under the protection of the English: I therefore desired to see the senior medical officer, and observing to him, that the afflictions of their disease would be cruelly aggravated by the conduct of the Turks towards them, and that it was impossible to continue in possession of the town, I desired him to give me his best advice on the occasion. I said, tell me what is to be done! He hesitated for some time, and then repeated, that these men, who were the objects of my very painful solicitude, could not survive forty-eight hours.--I then suggested (what appeared to be his opinion, though he might not choose to declare it, but wait with the trembling hope to receive it from me) the propriety, because I felt it would be humanity, to shorten the sufferings of these seven men by administering opium. Such a relief, I added, in a similar situation, I should anxiously solicit for myself. But, rather contrary to my expectation, the proposition was opposed, and consequently abandoned. I accordingly halted the army oue day longer than I intended; and, on my quitting Jaffa, left a strong rear-guard, who continued in that city till the third day. At the expiration of that period, an officer's report reached me that the men were dead. • Then, General,' I could not resist exclaiming, no opium was given !' The emphatic answer I receired was— No; none!—A report was brought me that the men died before the rear-guard had evacuated the city.'” (p. 156—159.)
Many remarks of course suggest themselves after reading the above extract, but we forbear to make them, that we may have space to insert what is infinitely more interesting, viz. the relation of the « massacre of Jaffa” (as it has always been termed in this country) by the very individual under whose orders it was executed.
" Well,' he continued, you shall also hear the particulars of El Arish and the garrison of Jaffa. You have read. without doubt, of my having ordered the Turks to be shot at Jaffa.'-'Yes, indeed,' I replied, I have often heard of that massacre in England: it was a general topic at the time, and treated as a British mind never fails to consider subjects of that description.'--He then proceeded: * At the period in question, General Desaix was left in Upper Egypt, and
Kleber in the vicinity of Damietta. I quitted Cairo, and traversed As the Arabian Desart, in order to unite my force with that of the latEm ter officer at El Arish. The town was attacked, and a capitulation
3 succeeded. - Many of the prisoners were found on examination to All be natives of the mountains, and inhabitants of Mount Tabor, but
chiefly from Nazareth. They were immediately released, on their
engaging to return quietly to their homes, children, and wives: at de the same time, they were recommended to acquaint their country
meu the Napolese, that the French were no longer their enemies, Torbe unless they were found in arms assisting the Pacha. When this ceE' remony was concluded, the army proceeded on its march towards
Jaffa. Gaza surrendered on the route. That city, on the first view CTEK of it, bore a formidable appearance, and the garrison was consider
able. It was summoned to surrender: when the officer, who bore Ella my flag of truce, no sooner passed the city wall, than his head was
inhumanly struck off, instantly fixed upon a pole, and insultingly E exposed to the view of the French army. At the sight of this hor
rid and unexpected object, the indignation of the soldiers knew no bounds: they were perfectly infuriated; and, with the most eager impatience, demanded to be led on the storm. I did not hesitate, under such circumstances, to command. The attack was dreadful; and the carnage exceeded any actiou I had then witnessed. We carried the place, and it required all my efforts and influence to restrain the fury of the enraged soldiers. At length I succeeded, and night closed the sanguinary scene. At the dawn of the following morning, a report was brought me, that five hundred men, chiefly Napolese, who had lately formed a part of the garrison of El Arishi, and to whom I had a few days before given liberty, on condition that they should return to their homes, were actually found and recognized amongst the prisoners. Ou this fact being indubitably ascertained, I ordered the five hundred men to be drawn out, and instantly shot.'- In the course of our conversation, his anxiety appeared to be extreme that I should be satisfied of the truth of every part of his narrative; and he constantly interrupted it, by asking me if I perfectly comprehended him. He was, however, Patience itself, when I made any observations expressive of doubts I had previously entertained respecting any part of the subjects agitated between us, or any unfavourable opinion entertained or propagated in England. Whenever I appeared embarrassed for an answer, he gave me time to reflect: and I could not but lament that I had not made myself better acquainted with the circumstances of the period under consideration, as it might have drawn him into a more enlarged history of them.” (p. 160—163.)
How it happened that Mr. Warden obtained so far the confidence of Buonaparte, as to induce him to enter into these inost singular details, does not appear; but it is worthy of notice that, according to the statement before us,