liamentary ground, managed in his reply so to confound his adversaries that not only the vote invariably turned to his favor, but that he was able also to menace his opponents with punishment for their attempted misdeeds. nature, also entered in very divergent modes upon their political career, and of this diversity of method they both no doubt felt the influence in the years of their maturity. Agostino Depretis of Stradella studied at the university, occupied himself with administrative matters, and then entered in 1849 the Piedmontese Parliament. He thus early learnt to conform himself to the grave and serene modes of legislature current in a methodical and steady-going country such as was Piedmont. Without ever having been rich, he nevertheless never knew what it was to want, neither was he swayed by romantic attachments and passions which Not so Crispi. When he comes into the Chamber at a moment of political crisis, he does so with a haughty air, ready | to give any reply, no matter how bold, how annihilating. At times he is even insolent to his critics, if needful he will hurl forth a remark which it is often impossible for him to maintain later, in cooler blood. He is like an artist enamored of color but careless of drawing, and this love of effects evinces itself in all his diplomatic actions. | have influenced so greatly and fatally his It is this love of ostentation that makes successor in office. Crispi, a man of deshim so careless of financial considera- ultory studies, entered the Sicilian Parliations; this too that leads him to aspire ment in 1848 in the midst of revolutionary above all to triumphs of foreign policy, so excitement, which he shared to the fullest that his name may shine beyond the con- extent. The Bourbons returned to power, fines of his native land. Here, too often, he had to go into exile, and of course he is misled to take appearance for sub- found his way to England, that only free stance. As is well known, Prince Bis- haven in those troublous times. Here he marck three several times desired that knew what it was to suffer from hunger, Depretis should come and visit him at and for the next years endured much misFriedrichsruh, but the then Italian premier ery, living a thoroughly Bohemian existalways found excellent reasons for not ence, while utilizing his talents in unpaid going thither. Crispi, when similarly in-partisan journalism, in presiding at patrivited, as soon as he became prime minis-otic conventicles, in attending revolutionter, accepted at once. This little feature ary meetings. While Depretis had from characterizes the diverse mental disposi- the outset a clear conception of what was tion of the two men. The foreign policy meant by the principle of authority, that of Depretis was not planned to tickle the it must be above all things of a character national vanity of the Italians, and it to curb, mollify, and moderate, the ideas should always be borne in mind that as a of his successor on the point are the very people, both collectively and individually, opposite from his, namely, that authority the Italians are essentially vain. That of should be evinced in an imperative manCrispi, on the other hand, fans it continu- ner. What both had in common is a great ally, and that too by that most potent lever industry Crispi's industry is almost to Italians, the great records of their clas- phenomenal in a southerner — and a great sical past. The halo of general popularity temperance in the matter of eating and which was universally denied to Depretis drinking. Indeed, Depretis lived like an hovers undoubtedly around the head of anchorite, and though Crispi nowadays Crispi, and though he has, of course, his makes a certain show in his house and as enemies, his admirers outnumber them. obliged by his official character, in himAnd even his critics cannot deny to himself he is the most abstemious of men, and that he has a fearlessness, an energy, a rapidity of action, which is all the more grateful and needful in the midst of the general uninterested lassitude which is the dominant note in the Italian political world. The rapidity, not to say precipitancy, with which in him action often follows resolve is not to be entirely condemned nor underrated in times in which every one tries to practise what the satiric poet Giusti defines as "l'arte di vivere a forza di scansi" (the art of living by means of shirking responsibilities). The two Italian premiers, so diverse of his habits too are of the simplest. These, however, are also Italian idiosyncrasies. Plain living is still in the peninsula the order of the day, though it cannot in that country be held to be always consonant with high thinking. What is likely to prove the cause of Crispi's ruin and his fall is that of late he has grown to be overbearing to a degree that is alienating even his best friends. This curious man, a mixture of audacity and weakness, who has vanquished by sheer force of arrogance, and who by arrogance may overturn himself, who speaks confidently of the things which he will do, | Crispi it exists as an intense passion, a could remove him from office- - not even Still, at the time of the Conclave which The enemy whom Crispi has combated most virulently and most persistently is the Vatican. Crispi's advent to power certainly inaugurated a new phase of the Roman question. It is his policy that has given that virulent character to the conflict between the Vatican and the Quirinal which it did not previously possess. With regard to Catholicism and the papacy, his sentiments are strongly anticlerical. He is a violent sectarian. He hates, not only the Vatican and the Church, but everything which represents religious sentiment. His organ, the Riforma, has always written with great animosity against religious ideas in every form. The whole thing is in his eyes one immense farce, to which an end must be put. With many Italian radicals anti-clericalism has served as a lever and a handle, but in ding the clergy and all good Catholics to take any direct part in politics. And after the loss of the temporal power in 1870, when in no position to insist upon conditions, his pretensions were in no wise abated. Leo XIII., on the other hand, perfectly realized the necessity of marching with the times. Space does not admit of our tracing here the steps which he took to restore to the papacy its former prestige and political ascendancy. Briefly, he has made his influence felt in all Christian countries. In thus seeking to extend his sphere of influence, Leo XIII.'s main aim was to work directly and indirectly toward the restoration of the territorial rights of the Holy See. His idea was to raise the papacy to such a position that the incompatibility between the extent of its influence and the abnormal and precarious nature of its temporal position should strike all foreign eyes. But that was not enough. Italian opinion had also to be worked upon; a reaction must be brought about in the feelings of the country. This was the second part of the task to which Leo XIII. devoted himself. Now Crispi came into power to find this double programme in full swing. The pontiff had effected the understanding with Germany which put an end to the Kulturkampf, and had issued the famous address of the 26th of May, 1887, in which, after enumerating the concessions ob- | have been foreseen. The educated, rich, tained from Germany, and boasting of the re-establishment of religious peace in that country, he went on to offer the olive branch to Italy, adding: "One issue toward peace is to be sought for in a state of affairs when the sovereign pontiff shall not be dependent on any power, and shall enjoy liberty really worthy of the name, such as is his due. This situation, so far from being hurtful to the interests of Italy, would be of powerful assistance toward its safety and prosperity." and governing classes did not sign it; indeed, in most cases, it is doubtful whether they were asked to do so. The signatures of persons who really understood what they were petitioning for may be counted on one's fingers. In upper Italy, principally in Lombardy, a certain number were collected; few in the centre, very few in the Neapolitan provinces, and hardly any in Sicily. The bulk were of priests, men of the lower middle class, and peasants, signatures which, even had they been five times as many, were of no weight politically. After this address, conciliation became the theme of the day, and for some little time it was really believed it would be The government, on their part, used brought about, though only the small sec-every means to damage the petition, and tion of extreme Italian Catholics truly even punished the few employés who supposed that it could be brought about signed it, showing thus an unworthy narby means of the restoration of the tem- row-mindedness. poral power. They thought the pope would yield, and the Quirinal would yield, each in a measure. To force the government to declare itself, a Radical deputy of Milan brought forward the question in Parliament. Crispi avoided a debate, saying: "We do not need to make conciliation, since the State is not at war with any one." However, in the following year, 1888, in which Leo XIII. celebrated his jubilee, it was Crispi himself who commenced hostilities by inaugurating his Kulturkampf. The Riforma, his official organ, redoubled the violence of its attacks, denouncing the Vatican as a hotbed of conspiracy against Italy. The incentive for this offensive warfare was this. A short time previously the clerical party had made an attempt to bring about a partial re-establishment of the temporal power by means of a petition addressed to the Legislature, to be signed by the entire population. The more dignified policy of laissez faire would only have exposed yet more plainly the weakness of the party in favor of the temporal power, which, by the way, was prudently not mentioned in the petition. Crispi's first move took the form of a law, which, under the pretext of reorganizing the administrative elections, was really directed against the influence of the clericals in municipal bodies, and aimed at introducing sectarian and other elements more in accordance with his policy. too This preliminary skirmish was followed by the new penal code lately approved, which certainly contains some striking provisions, practically excluding a priest from the benefits of the common law and the rights of citizenship. That the country did not judge these measures severe may be gathered from the ease with which the bill was passed. Indeed Italy has no more formidable, implacable enemy than that which lives in her gates In itself the idea of this appeal from all and which under the cloak of Christianity Italy was legal in its form, but let us in- commits offences against morality and vestigate the actual conditions. Catholics patriotism which shows that the Gospel are not allowed to take part in political has not indeed truly inspired its actions. elections. There is the veto, "neither And it is this firm attitude on the part of elected nor electors." Very well. How, Crispi against that subtle enemy Vaticanthen, did the clerical party propose to rec-ism which causes him to hold his place, oncile the contradiction that these Italians as much as the lack of a worthy successor, who are forbidden to vote or to be elected for all patriotic and right-thinking Italians should apply to members, chosen without recognize that they cannot present too firm their vote or against their vote, and ask a front against this, their cruellest archthem to interest themselves for the pope? enemy. Were they to say: "We, the Catholics, don't want you as our deputies; we don't recognize you; we were against your election; but at the same time we appeal to you in favor of the pope who condemns you?' Clearly the two programmes did not fit, and the result of the petition might Therefore when Crispi is weighed in the balance and judged, it is admitted that, such as he is, with his faults and his merits, he is a capable man and a sincere patriot. Certainly there is to-day but one minister in Italy, and that is Francesco Crispi; his colleagues are simply secre taries. A veritable dictatorship is his | Cairoli. After the French occupation of government, which he has modelled upon Tunis the fault-finding with Cairoli's policy that of Prince Bismarck, who is his idol. became more loud and universal; as a Like his prototype, when his government minister he grew unpopular. He thereis defeated, the ministry resign, a shuffle fore saw it was time to resign, and did of the cards takes place, and a new Cab- so rather than make explanations which inet is formed with Crispi at its head. would have further embittered the feeling between the two countries; but he is reported to have remarked to the French ambassador, the day before he left office, that he was the last Italian minister who could be friendly to France - a prophecy that so far has proved most true. BENEDETTO CAIROLI. A SINCERE patriot also, and a man honorable, if it is possible, to a fault, was Benedetto Cairoli, who died at the close of 1889, mourned by the whole land. As a French writer well remarked: "He was the most beautiful personification of the Italian revolutionary legend." It is true that some said his heart was better than his head, that he was not always sagacious and acute-più onesto che abile (more honest than clever) was his own description of himself - but when the heart is right, it is not so easy for the head to go far astray. It was after the crisis of 1878 that he was called to hold ministerial office, almost simultaneously with King Humbert's accession to the throne. In his family patriotism was traditional. His mother was a grand figure, lion-hearted, loving Italy as her master passion, willing to give her sons, her all, for the sacred cause; a very Cornelia, a woman to whom may be applied the words of the old Hebrew writer: "The mother was marvellous above all and worthy of honorable memory." His brothers had successively died in their country's cause. There only remained at that time Benedetto, who had already proved his valor on the battle-field. His was an open, frank disposition, he believed in all and in everything no astute statesman, but a man whose private and public life was able to bear the minutest scrutiny. Called to be minister of foreign affairs in a difficult period of national history, during the clash of conflict ing interests that followed the treaty of San Stefano, it was his ardent desire that Italy should issue forth from the Berlin Congress with "clean hands." The natural consequence of this desire was necessarily that Italy, acquiring nothing for herself, had to stand by_tamely and see England take to herself Cyprus; Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina; France, Tunis. Time will decide whether these "clean bands " were not worth more than the dirty hands" of Abyssinian soil. It is certain that the glorious records of Rome and Carthage, ever evoked in Italy, thanks to that classical basis of education of which we spoke above, led to the ultimate fall of Cairoli belonged to the party which, had it been theirs to choose, would have established Italy on a republican basis. With their leader Mazzini, however, they wisely held that "no one has the right to substitute his own will or that of his section to the national will," and the national will was that Victor Emmanuel should hold the reins a wise decision, for Italy was neither then, nor is yet, ripe for the selfgovernment and self-control that a true republic requires. Cairoli above all things longed for the eventual acquisition of the Trentino and Trieste. It was on this account that he and his friends accorded little importance to the colonial question. Nay, they even combated ambitious colo. nial aspirations. That was the reason too why they dreamed of a friendly understanding with France and Russia, that these nations might help them to oppose an eventual war against Austria and Germany. A pronounced Republican until 1860, Cairoli was faithful to death to King Humbert, whose life he saved when the assassin Passanante sprang at the monarch with his dagger. Cairoli leant forward and received the blow in his own breast. Fortunately it did not prove mortal. As a Lombard he naturally detested the Austrians under whose oppressive rule he had been born and reared, and it was equally natural that the thought of a French "revenge" and the conquest of the Trentino and Trieste should seem to his eyes twin aspirations. Undoubtedly the character of his policy made it bristle with perils. England, who could not willingly see an Italo-Russian accord, was hostile to it; the same was the case with Bismarck, who looked with evil eye on an Italo-French understanding. In consequence Cairoli had to fall, and this notwithstanding that he represented the most intimate national aspirations. His thoughts and hopes have remained the legacy of the extreme Left parliamentary party, a party of whom we shall have to speak shortly. A PASQUALE STANISLAO MANCINI. impassioned strains and long-drawn sighs PASQUALE STANISLAO MANCINI, who-city of workers and toilers for the peralso has recently joined the great majority, fecting of instruments with which to make on succeeding Cairoli as prime minister perfect music! That one word told of the absolutely changed the whole direction soul these men had put into their artand nature of Italian politics. For the yea, of the love they bore it. It was as if better? That the future can alone decide. every string strung in the city of music Thoughtful men are inclined to negative vibrated with the sound of that one word -"Cremona." the question. As every one knows, in order to give certain guarantees to England Italy was drawn into the doubtfully fortunate business of Massaua, where Russia was at the time preparing to place her foot. Mancini also brought about the famous visit of King Humbert to Vienna, which signalized the first step towards the Triple Alliance the alliance that guarantees peace, it is true, but an armed peace, a terrible peace, a costly peace, and one which strains to the uttermost the Italian resources. It was in consequence of Mancini's policy, too, that there arose that tension with the French republic which has been so detrimental to the commercial well-being of both nations, especially to the poorest namely, Italy. Mancini was rather a great jurist than a great statesman, and his name will be remembered for some brilliant studies made in juridical science, rather than for the policy which he inaugurated. With his name we close the record of the leading statesmen of the governing party in Italy, and will now pass on to speak of the minor lights. From Murray's Magazine. MESSER ANTONIO'S REVENGE. THE STORY TOLD BY THE CREMONA VIOLIN. IT had such a curious way of telling its story, this old Italian violin. At first, when it began to speak, the listeners could only hear vague sounds which trembled, moaned indistinctly. But ever and again there arose a whole wave of harmonies that formed themselves into words which were comprehended by some, but not by all, for the beautifullest and highest things in the world need translation before they can be understood by the commonplace. It is only the nightingales that understand what it is that the nightingales sing. mona But at last all heard one word Cre- and, as they heard it, they caught a glimmering of what Cremona must have been in the bygone, long-dead days, even before this violin had taken form. Cremona! city of music-city of love of I was born at Cremona (said the violin). I would you could have seen our workshop. For centuries it had been the birthplace of the world-famed, world-admired violins. I, myself, am but a latterday descendant of the old race, possessing none of the qualities of my ancestors save the accumulated knowledge that each true artist brings to the perfecting of his craft. Knowledge is the world's great inheri tance a patrimony that each son of the earth may enjoy. But to return to the house wherein was our workshop. It was tall, many-storied, with high gables and narrow windows that overlooked a courtyard in the centre of before the noonday heats and after the which stood a fountain, or rather a well; sun had gone down, the women used to come with their high earthen pitchers and gossip and sing, awaiting their turn to fill their pitchers. And the songs they sang floated in to us on the warm, perfumed air, and the violins learned them so that they knew music even before they were made. I tell you every particle of a violin must feel music within it, if the violin is to make it. It was such a pretty sight, this courtyard with its white, uneven flag-stones, and its pot of oleanders and orange-trees, and the great vine crawling up the houseside like a serried throng of lusty soldiers up a mountain-steep. But women were needed to make the picture complete, and there were mostly women there, for beside those that came to fetch water, there were some who lived in the houses that formed three sides of the square courtyard, which had but one narrow egress. These women were mostly washerwomen by profession, and their variegated clothes, hung out to dry in the wind, made a stir of life in the sleepy courtyard. Besides these, there was one other woman, the keeper of the fruit-stall, and her fruits made a fine patch of color in the most shadowy corner. Here it was that the apprentices, who were not always as eager to work as Messer Antonio, came to quench their thirst with the ripe luscious fruit, so temptingly A |