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they will not tolerate Mr. Parnell as leader | vices; George III. through his domestic of the Irish Parliamentary party, they virtues. The contrast was not confined think him quite good enough to be first to kings. It was exhibited in the careers minister of the crown in Ireland itself. of Charles James Fox and the younger Home Rule, in the sense which the word Pitt, and contemporary parallels might be has now acquired, is Parnellism, and the found without difficulty. The popular character of the thing is not changed by imagination is impressed by courage and getting rid, if that could be done, of the coolness, by variety and promptitude of
resource, by the power of fighting a long battle against great odds. It admires the
skill of the swordsman without taking MR. PARNELL's position in Irish poli- much account of the cause in which be tics very strikingly illustrates the fact that draws the sword. This feeling explains democracy, in curious contradiction to its the reprehensible indulgence shown to name, is practically the "one man power.” Mr. Parnell after the exposure before the Where it does not take this form, as in Special Commission of offences on his France for the moment, and in the United part which makes the repudiation of his States, it is not because the tendency is companionship and leadership which has lacking, but because the man is want. followed on the divorce court scandal a ing. There does not seem to be in those gross moral inconsistency. The character countries any one possessing the qualities of the man, as it was shown in the later pronecessary even for a sham hero. There ceedings, would probably have justified is no one whom, by much making-believe, those who think that personal honor and his fellow.countrymen can dress up into good faith are essential in a politician in an object of admiration and devotion. withdrawing from personal and public relaThe "boss,” the wire.puller, and the logo tions with him. But not one quality was roller have it all their own way. Politics there displayed which was not equally manexhibit often a meanness and a squalor, ifest when the Town Council of Edinburgh and almost always a paltriness, which is bestowed on him that freedom of the city incompatible with a lofty national temper. which they have now withdrawn, and when Sentiment cannot be excluded from public Mr. John Morley sounded him as to his affairs without lowering them to the level willingness to take office under any new of the counting-house and the Stock Ex. administration which Mr. Gladstone might change. Perhaps political sentiment is be called on to form. His admission that most naturally and healthily expressed he had made deliberately in the House of when it fixes itself upon the representa. Commons a statement which, at the time tive of a long line of kings, whose history of making it, he believed to be untrue, embodies the whole course of the national with a view of deceiving the House, was life, with its long series of struggles and known to the statesmen who were cultidefeats and final triumphs, the traditions vating his friendship, and courting his of the past and the hopes of the future. alliance, and offering him office for Mr. In the absence, through permanent John Morley, who was authorized to make
or temporary accideni, of this the inquiry, was not, it may be presumed, steady and steadying national feeling, the empowered to say no, if Mr. Parnell had personal element in politics is apt to give happened to say yes. A lie by which a itself up to vagaries of admiration and public man, supposed to be speaking as execration, which are full of political dao. a gentleman in an assembly of gentlemen, ger. To a statesman who has taken the abuses the good faith of the House of popular fancy, so long as he keeps it, Commons is, perhaps, as black a lie as nothing is denied. The institutions of the can be. Mr. Gladstone has said as much; country are given him to do what he likes and his casuistry is sound. Yet a false with, making or marring them at his ca. hood of this order was not merely brought price. There is no need that his qualities home to Mr. Parnell, and admitted relucshould be admirable in themselves. When tantly by him under pressure, it was sponLord Byron wanted a hero for his most taneously confessed by him in easy and unheroic poem, he pitched upon Don incidental explanation of a statement Juan ; and it would appear from recept which he could not otherwise account for. events, that a nation is capable of making The commissioners reported that allega. a somewhat similar choice. It does not tions by the dozen against Mr. Parnell seem to matter much what a man's charac- were fully established, the truth of which teristics are, so long as they are striking. he denied on oath. Charles II. was popular through his gay In France the term of unpardonable
insult is, we believe, Lache; Menteur freedman and his descendants bear the may be overlooked ; but in England to marks of the degradation from which they call a man a liar is a more deadly affront have escaped, rather than those of the even than to call him a coward ; and a condition into which they have been lifted. man who calls himself a liar leaves other Between the freeman and the freedman people nothing worse to call him. They there is more than the difference of the can only, if he be a politician, decline letter d. The words “libertine" and " lib. future relations with him, and this until ertinism” are terms which, in their moral now they have done. But the ethics of censure, express a social and political public life have undergone a change since truth which has the closest bearing, if ihe year 1885. The proof and confession not upon the Home Rule question in of mendacity, conviction of criminal con. itself, yet upon the demand for the imme. spiracy for the dismemberment of the diate concession of Home Rule. The empire, and for the expulsion of a class Irish people require a longer training than of the community from its homes, prop. they have yet had in association with the erty, and country, have not been thought law-abiding and orderly people of Great to deprive the men who practise them of Britain before they can safely be trusted their title to be considered a Parliamento themselves. It may be that we have tary party pursuing constitutional ends by them as we have made them; that is poslegal means. The solemnly recorded ver- sible. But that they are what they are is dict of three judges of the land that Mr. certain ; and, being what they are, it would Parnell and his followers, including some be an imprudence verging on criminality of the most prominent of the men who to confide not merely the Home Rule have now revolted from him, were guilty majority to itself, but the lives and propof these things, has been greeted as a erty of the dissentieni minority to it. triumphal acquittal, because a particular History may make many excuses for letter attributed to Mr. Parnell was found them ; it will have only condemnation for not to have been written by him. In the English statesmen and gentlemen everytbing except the one private injury who, differently trained, have counteof which Mr. Parnell has by his silence panced and profited by the crimes which made confession, the followers are as their they ought to have rebuked and which leader, and even in that particular they their rebuke would have checked. Renunridicule the prudery and Puritanism to ciation of boycotting and the plan of which they have been obliged to submit campaign would have been a price cheerin practice, and deny that morality has fully paid for the Gladstonian alliance, if anything to do with politics.
it could not have been had upon any other They are perfectly consistent. The terms. The men who have sold their whole action of the Parnellite party from leader to purchase it would more readily its formation to the present day has been have made this lesser sacrifice if it had based on the systematic extrusion of mo- been exacted. English statesmen are rality from politics. What distinguishes responsible for the crimes which they the period before from the period after could have hindered and did not hinder. 1886 is simply this: that English states- The blind confidence which has allowed men bave palliated and excused these prac. public men to take this course has been tices, and, by associating themselves with abetted by a strange apathy. The indifferthe ends sought, have made themselves ence of the British people to the Home accomplices in the means used for the Rule question is shown by the fact that attainment of those ends. Theirs, we are the majority of those who vote for it are inclined to think, is the greatest guilt of quite content to remain in ignorance of all. The bulk of the Irish party, though what they are voting for. They are satis. not Mr. Parnell himself, are of a race and fied that it should remain locked up in the religion which as yet bas had only two bosom of Mr. Gladstone. This brings us generations of complete enfranchisement. to another point which marks the political The faults of a people debased by centu management of the present time. The ries of servitude are not to be effaced by ostentatious publicity which is its most threescore years of freedom. If it be striking characteristić is a sham publicity. true that tbé day on which a man becomes It disguises a secrecy more absolute than a slave takes half his worth away, it is un. was ever before practised. Orators are fortunately not true that the day on which effusive at public meetings, and at the he is invested with freedom invests him windows of railway carriages, and simple with the virtues of a citizen. The servile people believe that they are taking the vices survive the servile condition. The country into their confidence, and that
the business of the nation is being done into modes of action other than Parlia in the light of day. In reality, it is set- mentary or constitutional. Mr. Davitt is tled in empty houses in Belgravia, or in as much opposed to peasant proprietorconfidential walks and talks at Hawarden. ship as to any other form of private prop
The only people who are kept out of the erty in land. Mr. Patrick Egan, whose secret of Home Rule are the British na suspected connection with the Phænix tion and the Irish party. No doubt, they Park murders has never been disproved, will be told it some time or other, but only has given in his adhesion to Mr. Justin when, without having had sufficient time McCarthy's party. In the event of the for deliberation, they are called upon to Home-Rule movement collapsing in Great say yes or no. The objection that to Britain there would probably be a triple announce a scheme prematurely would be alliance of crime and rebellion. But to expose it to a long period of adverse against it there might be in Ireland not criticism, is a practical confession that only all the forces which have hitherto the scheme will not bear adverse criti- stood at the side of law and freedom, but cism. If it is good, the better it is known, also in the case of the purchasing tenants the better it will be liked. If it is bad, it the most important of the forces which may need to be carried by a surprise, in have hitherto covertly or openly sustained which the heats of party fight will make disorder. real deliberation impossible, and in which, It is possible that, in the case supposed, perhaps, a conflict between the two Houses the clergy, as a body, may permanently of Parliament may blend a revolutionary renounce the Jacobin alliance into which struggle in England with a revolutionary they have been drawn. The priests, both struggle in Ireland.
as peasants and as dependents for their It is a rule of the College of Physicians dues on the Irish farming class, would, in not to give their sanction to any remedy the main, rank themselves on the side of in ignorance of the ingredients of which it order. The influence primarily exercised is composed. The principle is as sound by their flocks on them would be reflected in politics as in medicine. The probabil. back by them on their flocks, who would ity is that a secret remedy is a quack rem- be glad to find a pretext in the injunctions edy. Until Mr. Gladstone declares what of the Church for taking the course to he means by Home Rule, he might as which their interest inclines them. In the reasonably go to the country with the cry event of Home Rule being decisively of Abracadabra. Perhaps it would rally negatived, everything at present points to to him many supporters.
the conclusion that, in the future, the If the English nation by clear premoni- struggle in Ireland will be between law tions during the next year or two, and by and naked and unabashed lawlessness, a decisive majority at the general elec- and that in it the tenant-purchasers of the tion, stamps out the Home-Rule project, land, the trading classes to whom the reor adjourns it to an indefinite future, a pudiation of debts is of bad augury, and great danger will be averted. But great the Roman Catholic clergy, pecuniarily difficulties will remain. It is possible dependent on the farmer and the shopthat a settlement of the land question, on keeper, will be found on the same side the lines of Mr. Balfour's scheme, if that with the landed gentry, the merchants, is happily carried through, will indispose and the clergy of the Protestant churches, the tenant farmers, on their way towards against agrarian spoliation and the breakfull ownership, to further agitation. Beati ing of tbe last link. possidentes. Political change with them has always been means to agrarian ends - Church and State mean the land. The The remarks which go before were end being gained, the means may be written and in the hands of the printer dropped. After a Land Bill, they would before the elections at Bassetlaw and probably welcome a stringent measure of North Kilkenny had taken place. Iotercoercion to secure their tenure of life and esting as those events are, a man must be property. For this settlement, it is too a very convinced believer in the new sci. probable, would be the beginning of a ence of political meteorology to regard fierce struggle on the part of the politi- them as decisive of anything beyond themcians and adventurers who live by Irish selves. The science of which this is the disturbance, or seek notoriety and power parody and the burlesque, is selected by in it. Mr. Parnell threatens an agitation writers on method as the type of an im. among the laboring classes, appeals to the perfect science, in which prediction is hillside men, and talks of being forced | impossible, and in which speculation,
even when limited within the narrowest | cannot, in any English reading of them, conditions of time and space, has the value be suspended as regards offenders of the only of more or less plausible guesses. A two former classes — rent-stealers, for forecast of twenty-four hours, when con example - and enforced against the third fined within a specifically indicated dis- only. That the men who have found out trict, is perhaps more often approximately Mr. Parnell, or, rather, to whom Mr. Parright than positively wrong. Forecasts, nell has shamelessly discovered himself, which, like those of the old almanacs, should straightway become the dupes of should affect to foretell the weather for all his associates, would argue a degree of England twelve months hence, would bear fatuity incompatible, if it were general, the brand of quackery on their face. The with the national safety. Mr. Chambersame remark is true of political weather lain has recently said that many Home forecasts. To argue from the state of the Rulers of 1886 have approached him with social atmosphere in England, E., or in overtures for a reconciliation with the Ireland, S., in December, 1890, to its con- Unionist party, and a return to the Liberal dition over the United Kingdom a year or policy as it was in 1885, the question of two hence is egregiously to trifle with com- Home Rule being abandoned or indefimon sense, if not with good faith. The nitely adjourned. If Mr. Chamberlain elections at Bassetlaw and North Kilkenny does not exaggerate the number and do not necessarily indicate more than the weight of these expressions of opinion, it momentary impressions and impulses pre-would seem that there is a revulsion, in dominaot in these constituencies a few the light of recent disclosures, from the weeks ago. Varium et mutabile is a human, Home Rule surprise of 1886, and that the and especially a political characteristic. author of the Liberal rupture of that year
Keeping this caution in mind, it may be may see the gradual melting away of the well to inquire what the two elections Home Rule party in the coming months mean. They have one feature in com. and years.
They suggest, at least, that the The North Kilkenny election is valuable tactics which in 1886 broke up the Liberal as disclosing what the real Ireland is of party are gradually crumbling away its which so many fancy pictures have been Home Rule successor, while they have drawn. Any one who would understand shattered, as by dynamite, Irish National- what Home Rule in present circumstances ism into two unequal fragments. The would mean has only to imagine the conHome Rule minority in Bassetlaw in 1890 trol of the police and the nomination to fell short by four hundred and nineteen and tenure of magisterial and judicial votes of the Liberal minority in 1885. It offices, dependent on the administration of is not doubted or denied that Noncon. the day at Dublin. Yet this authority, formist abstentions account for this differ. and the liberty of dealing on the princi
The seceders could not see that ples of Mr. Dillon with the rents and Mr. Gladstone's friendly suggestion to rights of landlords, are the two points on Mr. Parnell to withdraw for a moment which Parnellites and Anti-Parnellites join from the chairmanship of his party was in insisting as vital to any future measure equivalent to a solemn excommunication of Home Rule. In the technical language of him, as permanently disabled, on moral of Irish turbulence and turmoil, a partygrounds, from the Irish leadership in fight and a faction-fight are distinguished. Westininster, and for the future premier- A party-fight is a fight between members ship of Ireland. On the contrary, the pro, of opposite parties, Orangemen, say, and posed arrangement was a pledge of Ribbonmen. A faction-fight is a fight speedy reinstatement in his leadership, between members of the same party, and and ultimate gratification of bis ambition. has something of a family character. BeIt is possible that the defeat of the Home sides the party-fight between Unionists Rule candidate in Bassetlaw may have and Home Rulers, we have now very litmeant something more than this. It may erally, and in the streets, faction-fights have indicated an awakening to the fact amongst Home Rulers themselves, be. tbat Mr. Parnell's political character and tween Parnellites and Anti-Parnellites, conduct typify in a marked individual in-between bishops' men and billside men. stance the character and conduct of his The necessity of opposing a single front party as a whole, and of its leading mem- to the enemy – the Pax Anglica is the bers on either side of the present line of enemy - had brought irreconcilable andivision. The laws enacting
tagonists into the same camp, the justifi.
cation of whose mutual hatreds was only Ne quis fur esset, neu latro, neu quis adulter, 1 postponed to the satisfaction of their
common hatred. Not for the first time in and Mr. Henry George, the Catholic peo. Irish history is there now an alliance be- ple of Ireland should be the owners of the tween Romanism and Jacobinism. It soil. It is well known that the Roman began with talks and projects of a united Catholic bishops and clergy discourage in Ireland in 1791, and ended in rebellion every way the social intercourse between and civil war in 1798, the reconciled sects Protestants and Catholics as involving, and factions flying at each other's throats. even when the sin and scandal of a mixed
The party of the bishops, if we may marriage are avoided, a serious danger, argue from North Kilkeony, is for the through the influence of Protestant ideas, moment in the ascendant in Ireland. A to strictness of faith and fervor of devomajority of two to one has returned their tion. Penal laws and open persecution nominee. Probably a general appeal to would no doubt be impossible even in a the country would show that Mr. Parnell Home Rule Ireland; but small and vexadivides it more equally with his opponents tious interferences, intolerably oppressive than the votes recorded for Sir John Pope in their cumulative force, yet singly inHennessy and Mr. Vincent Scully indi. sufficient to justify the interference of the cated. But taking the lowest estimate, he imperial authority, are more than probable. is master of a third of the Home Rule Home Rule granted to Ireland in the party in the constituencies and in Parlia- present condition of the country would be ment, to say nothing of the turbulent accompanied by the danger of a combined masses of the towns; and with much priestly and Jacobin assault on the relismaller forces than these a protracted gion and property of the Protestant own. contest can be waged. If the bishops ers of the land, to be followed by a war were as conclusively victorious as they between these confederate foes when they hope to be, the position of affairs would had driven away the common enemy. The still, assuming the Home Rule controversy defeat of Home Rule and the settlement to continue, be difficult and dangerous. of the land question would probably bring The enemy is within as well as outside the clergy and the farmers of Ireland to their camp; their present allies are their the side of law and order, besides securing future foes.
those guarantees of religious liberty and A victory to which Mr. Davitt should equality which, apart from the Union, со ribute would be a victory for the pred- have but illusory safeguards. atory Socialism of Mr. Henry George,
FRANK H. HILL. which Mr. Davitt has adopted, and which the Church has condemned. Mr. William O'Brien and Mr. Dillon are for the mo. ment as docile to the bishops as they are
From The Cornhill Magazine. indocile to the pope, because the bishops
EIGHT DAYS. are on their side and the pope is against them. But on the first difference arising the bishops will be told, as the pope has
I will a round unvarnished tale deliver. been told, to attend to the interests of religion, and not to meddle with politics. AB accommodation may be patched up between Parnellites and Anti-Parnellites,
THE JUMOO GATE. but the irreconcilable divergence between THE rebel leaders march the column the Home Rule which is Rome Rule, and out of the palace and then into Star Street, the Home Rule which is the rule of the and the troopers dismount from their Americanized Irish, must sooner or later horses and the sepoys pile their arms by break forth. There may be, for a time, a the side of the conduit which runs down division of temporal and spiritual func. the middle of it. While the men rest, and tions. If Mr. Davitt, Mr. Dillon, and Mr. wash, and drink, and eat, the waters of in. O'Brien are allowed to deal at their surrection are swiftly on the rise. The pleasure with the property of the Protes- entry of the mutineers into the palace was tant minority, the Catholic bishops and as the opening of flood-gates. The cry clergy will be satisfied with the guardian. has gone abroad that the raj (rule) of the ship of the Protestant religion. That the English is over; the real, though not nom. faith of Ireland should be divorced from inal, sovereignty of the English has passed the property of Ireland is to their minds a away; the nominal sovereignty of the crying grievance. The earth is the Lord's, nuwâb has become, once more, the real and the land is the people's and therefore, one. The commotion increases. Law. on the combined principles of the Bible I lessness grows more bold. The villainy
BY THE AUTHOR OF
THE TOUCHSTONE OF