who have renounced thrones. His grand- and more especially in the towns not confather himself. to compare small things trollable by the fleet. That civil war would with great, for the contingencies were of discredit the Republic both in France and a very different order- could not have Spain. contended more honestly or more bravely against the embarrassments of an untenable position.

From The Spectator.

THE SPANISH REPUBLIC.

Even this danger, however, is not so great as the one arising from the split within the Republican ranks. The great majority of that party-twenty to one, it is said are Federalists, that is, men who wish to import either the American or the Swiss Constitution almost as it stands, leave the provinces to govern themselves even in matters of criminal legislation, and THE Republic in Spain, besides suffering grant large municipal privileges to the from a multitude of smaller obstacles, cities and communes of the interior. The has to overcome two most serious and im- desire for local liberty is very strong even mediate dangers. One is the possible dis- among the peasantry, it is stronger still obedience of the Army, and the other is among the artisans, and it is strongest of the deep fissure between the Federalists all among the clergy, who would in the and Unitarians in the ranks of the party rural districts rapidly regain their ascenditself. The temper of the Army, though ancy, and perhaps their revenues. Some uncertain, is believed to be hostile, some Carlists make as great a point of localism of its leaders being convinced that the re- as the Federalists, while the cities have gal form of government is essential to repeatedly declared it to be their sine qua Spain, others being bound to the Pretend-non. All the strong Republicans, in fact, ers by ancient pledges, and others being unwilling to surrender the supremacy their caste has so long enjoyed. The Army has governed Spain for a generation, and so complete is its conviction that it can still govern it, that it may make the attempt at any moment and with any degree of audacity, a chance which drives the Ministry to consider very revolutionary steps. They must either conciliate the Army, or destroy the Army, or supersede the Army, and either alternative is beset with almost insuperable difficulties. Conciliation as understood in Spain - that is, the rainingdown of promotions-is contrary to the Republican theory of government, a mere extension of the old vicious circle. Destruction that is, the abolition of conscription and grant of unlimited furlough to all soldiers now in the ranks - would leave all power in the hands of the populace, would surrender Cuba to the Volunteers, and would make of every officer a deadly foe. Supersession is the only course, and supersession implies the arming of the populace in the great cities, who are very turbulent, very much distressed, and full of exasperation at the "oppressions' of the great employers of labour. Arming them is most dangerous work -as was shown in 1869-yet it appears to be unavoidable, and has, according to some of the latest accounts, already begun. If it can be avoided-if, that is, the Army makes up its mind to accept the Republic, all will thus far be well; but if it cannot, civil war may rage in every town of Spain,

who sent up sixty members where their opponents sent three, and all who would tolerate the Republic if successful, sway heavily towards this side. To Englishmen, looking at the scene from the outside and penetrated with experiences of America and Switzerland, there seems no sound reason why such a system should not be attempted. The provinces have always had histories of their own, they are extraordinarily separate in geographical, political, and social circumstances, and they are alive, so alive that the moment order is suspended local Committees or Juntas at once assume all power, and are obeyed as if they were legalized officials. These are the very conditions of Federalism, and these reasons would, we believe, prevail to establish that system, but for some less noticed counterbalancing arguments. The statesmen of Spain, including, we believe, many resolute Republicans, her proprie tors, and her Generals dread Federalism as dangerous to the very existence of the country. They say that the provincial life of Spain is too strong for Federalism, that the provinces once divided would become separate organisms, hostile rather than friendly to each other, that central power would cease to exist, and that every city would be a separate Republic. For instance, they doubt whether Navarre and Biscay would not call in Carlos, whether Catalonia would not become a dependency of France, whether Andalusia would not become an agrarian Commune based on an equal division of land, whether religious

war would not break out in the Castilles, Proprietors fear that if this law is local it and whether the South would not set up will be merely confiscatory, and are ready for itself as a Mediterranean Republic. to sacrifice anything to avoid a danger Cuba would be lost at once, for Cuba must which they feel as the great absentee landbe a State. The cities would be in insur- lords would have felt a native Parliament rection, for municipal power would be in in Ireland. This throws them on the side the hands of Socialists. The Debt would of unity, as it throws also all those modbe dishonoured, for there would be no gen- rate men, some of whom exist in Spain, eral revenue. The Fleet would disappear, who wish that if the Federal experiment for there would be no one to pay it; and is inevitable, some of its social dangers the Army would be abolished, for all the should be removed first. We confess Federalists are hostile to a conscription, that, not believing in theft as a regeneratwhich under a system of State Rights ing agent, we think their argument strong, could hardly be carried out. Spain, in and Figueras in the right in pronouncing, fact, as modern history has known it, would on the whole and with reserves, for the cease to be, and would be replaced by a unity of the legislative power. knot of Republics, possibly as happy as Nevertheless this unity, if once definithe Cantons, but possibly also as quarrel- tively adopted, is a cause of weakness to the some as the Republics into which the Republican party in Spain. It will take Spanish Viceroyalties have been subdi- the heart out of their rank and file. Spanvided. That these apprehensions are ex-ish Republicans as a body are not men of aggerated may be allowed at once, but hot ideas, intent on getting rid of an il-. they are not unnatural; they weigh heav-logical, or unreasonable, or degrading sysily with Spanish statesmen; they have in- tem of government; but are men inspired duced the Republican Ministry to declare with a hope, not quite so unreasonable, for unity; and they persuade men like perhaps, as it looks, that local freedom Olozaga, the Minister in Paris, who gen- would materially benefit their condition, erally reconciles himself to any govern- would relieve them of military service, ment, to declare publicly and formally, and would prevent the military punishment of as it were with an oath, that there is one every trivial riot a great oppression in limit in politics which their consciences Spain, and indeed throughout the Contiwill not allow them to pass. They will nent outside Switzerland and would resist the loss of the unity secured by place them on a vantage-ground in the seven centuries of battle. Olozaga's is great contest between capital and labour. the only Minister's letter yet published, That contest, bitter even in England, but it is evident that his tone must be that where it is ameliorated by the general inof the diplomatic service at large, for it is stinct of moderation, by the Unions, and incredible that all Europe should have by the national horror of blood, rages siprotested against a Federalism which can lently all over the Continent, and is nohurt nobody North of the Pyrenees. The where so envenomed as it is in Spain, Courts may dread a victory of the Inter- where in 1869 employers were in many national, say in Catalonia; but Spain has places in danger of violent and painful little influence on opinion, and their ideas death. Barcelona was only saved by have, we imagine, been reported to Madrid force, and there were rural districts where by very willing pens. With the foreign the right of property was restored only by Powers, the statesmen, and the Generals the bayonet, employed, we fear, as it also adverse, it would be difficult for a new ways is in such cases, with violence beMinistry with no particular title to declare yond the occasion. It is almost indisitself Federalist; and there is, as we be- pensable that the struggle should be modlieve, another reason, of which no one erated by the central power, but when it talks, and that is the agrarian question. is moderated reaction sets in, and RepubSpain is in the unhappy position of being licans declare, often truly, that the end the one Continental State in which the for which they fought, equality between agrarian question is as urgent as it once employers and employed, is practically was in France, Naples, and Prussia, and abolished, that their Welsh colliers on has never reached a settlement. The diffi-strike work under compulsion of the bayculty varies in different provinces, from onet. They hope to avoid that compulAndalusia, where everybody is a tenant-at- sion, and we fear, when they see they are will, to Biscay, where the cultivators own not to be left absolutely alone face to face the soil; but everywhere there is need for a with capital, they will not be zealous for land law which will define rights, secure te- any form of government. If Figueras can nures, and affect the whole future of Spain. 'get over this difficulty, he will do more to

make the Republic possible in Spain than as it has, men without violence, unless it by any number of decrees against the pen- be on ecclesiastical questions, and incoralty of death, laws which mean nothing ruptible men, and men not afraid of gov except that execution by shooting is sub-ernment by debate, is a point in its fastituted for execution by breaking the neck with a screw.

We have put the unfavourable side of the situation, as we understand it, fairly before our readers, and have only to remind them that the Republic has in its favour some very important points. That it should be there, installed, in possession of office, entitled to the obedience of the Army, is almost a miracle, and compels observers to think that in Spain, as in France, the stars in their courses are for the first time fighting for the Republic. That it should have risen to the top unstained by bloodshed, without insurrection, without enemies to punish, without an escort of armed men thirsting for revenge, is a piece of good fortune almost without a precedent in the history of Liberalism. That it should have at hand such leaders

vour wholly unexpected, even by those few who do not believe that a Spanish politician is necessarily base. And final ly, that it should have been accepted over all Spain, that the great official class should have become accustomed even for a moment to regard it as supreme, this is of itself a victory not to be overrated. Every day of its existence must strengthen it. Every day brings to its side that influence of habit which, with all races of men, is found to be the strongest of all; and the weight of that motive-power of conservatism, the preference of the known to the unknown in government. If the Republic can last a year it may last for ever, and an interregnum much more irregular and anarchical than a Republic lasted in Spain for two.

dressers. Further, the immediate advantage which would doubtless otherwise accrue by the exchange of the English for the native calendar will certainly be marred by the hasty way in which the innovation is to be enforced. The new year is the time at which it is customary for native merchants to pay off all outstanding claims, and it is possible that some who might have been able to meet the demands of their creditors on the 9th of February (the Japanese New Year's Day), would be in difficulties when called upon to do the same on the 1st of Janu ary. The law prohibiting kite-flying in the streets of Yeddo and other large cities will, no doubt, be an unmixed good to all but the kitemakers, for whom, however, abundance of employment might be found in editing some of the numerous newspapers which are daily springing up like mushrooms all over the country, or in making hats to cover the naked crowns of the male portion of the population who have been robbed of their top-knots by Imperial order.

THERE seems to be considerable danger that I dispense with the services of professional hairthe Japanese Government will make the mistake of loving the spirit of reform "not wisely, but too well." The mail just arrived brings, as usual, a long list of new laws and regulations, some of which, it is feared, will interfere so directly with the national and rational habits of the people that considerable uneasiness has been excited in the minds of both foreigners and natives by their enactment. Pre-eminently among these is to be noted the order for the abolition of the soft mats with which all native houses are floored. To appreciate the disturbing nature of this command, it must be remembered that these mats serve the purposes of chairs, tables, and beds, and that if they be removed the people will have to choose between sitting, eating, and sleeping on the hare floor, and buying wooden furniture. In addition to which it will oblige housebuilders to introduce a now system of measurement in lieu of the oldestablished custom of estimating the size of a room by the number of mats it would contain. The women, also, are as little likely to listen complacently to the command which bids them

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