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A dirge of sorrow-a dirge of gloom;
Softly, O mother earth, make room

For one, who has passed in her youth and bloom!
Ah, yes! for her!

VI.

For her, the youngest and fairest one-
Whose day upon earth is already done,--
Whose bright brief race is forever run-
Ah, yes! for her!

THE LITTLE SAINT.

At the still, matin hour,
I see her bend in prayer-
As bends a virgin-flower,
Kissed by the summer air;
There's meekness in her eyes,
But on her lips-a smile:
How hard the little angel tries,
To be serious all the while.

I tell her, 'tis not right
To be half grave, half gay-
Imploring in God's sight,
A blessing on the day.

She hears, and looks devout,
Although it gives her pain;
Still, when the ritual's almost out,
She's sure to smile again.

She shocks her maiden aunt, Who thinks it a disgrace,

VOL. XVII-64

HUNGARY.*

Proud of the free institutions under which, in less than the ordinary life time of an individual, they have attained a place in the first ranks of nations, an extent of territory transcending that of Ancient Rome,—a degree of social comfort and general well-being unapproached in the world's History,-a development of resources and a boldness and magnitude of application to the service of man of the achievements of modern art and sciences not elsewhere to be witnessed; and thoroughly imbued with faith in man's capacity and right to determine the rules by which he shall guide his intercourse and conduct in society and the State, the people of this Republic could but regard with profound sympathy the uprising of the masses in Europe which characterized the year 1848. In those movements were beheld the reflex of our own system and a recognition of its fitness to a people's true position in the civilized state. With none of those popular demonstrations, however, did our people

1. PAGET'S HUNGARY AND TRANSYLVANIA. With Remarks on their Condition, Social, Political and Economical.*

2. THE WAR IN HUNGARY. By Max Schlesingen, 2 vols. London, 1850.

3. THE HUNGARIAN CAMPAIGN, narrated by an eye witness. Edited by J. W. W. Tyndale. London, 1850. 4. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW for January 1850 and '51. See Articles on Hungary and the War of Races.

*A very full,-and in the main correct abstract of the English edition of Paget's Hungary, may be found in the Messenger for January and February 1846.

so universally and cordially sympathise, as with | progress and conduct of the Hungarian movethat of Hungary. Some vague, indefinite state-ment, and of the fundamental questions involved ments which had reached us from that iso- in the struggle with Austria, as must entirely lated section of Europe, led many to believe change the current of belief and sympathy if that for centuries there had existed among that accredited, or if accordant with the facts and people an indomitable love of personal, religious real status.

and political liberty, a determined protestation But those who have thus proclaimed and against the dogma of the "divine rights" of sought to establish views of the subject so diskings, and the germs of institutions, requiring cordant with the views of the masses, have by no merely genial development to assimilate them closely with our own. We, therefore, confidently anticipated, in that quarter, the most rational, and more immediately beneficial results.

means looked at the question from the same stand-point. To some the Hungarians appeared as ultra Proletaires of red republicanism, tainted with the most vicious socialistic tendencies and aiming at the overthrow of Order, the supremacy of anarchy. To others, on the contrary, the contest seemed one, for the advantage of the aristocratic classes alone-the security of privileges and continuance of feudal restrictions, superadded to which was a design to reduce all other races in the State to the domination of the Magyars, numerically in the minority.

But with few-we apprehend-were these impressions the consequences of any searching investigation, of any intimate knowledge of the past or present history of Hungary, and its true relation to the empire of Austria. On the one side, we saw arrayed a king, claiming absolute supremacy and the unrestrained exercise of his royal will and pleasure:-On the other, a people contending manfully for representation, prescri- To this last class of observers belong several bing rules of civil conduct, and a substantial of high critical position and authority in the share in the government. No further knowledge United States, whose lucubrations it has seemed was generally regarded as essential to the for- incumbent upon us to subject to such tests as mation of just conclusions.

tration.

were at hand, in order that after a studious conThe arrival of each steamship was anxiously sideration of the subject, we may, with some and impatiently looked for.-every triumph of show of reason, arrive at the true state of the an Hungarian army, was hailed with profound case. With this view we have given the quesrejoicing, while, every check or defeat sent the tions involved in the war between Hungary and warm blood back, chilled to the popular heart. Austria patient investigation, and have gleaned The news of Russian intervention, was every a wide field of research: the results of which where among us received with sorrow and indig- we now propose to submit to the reader, with nation; but the great results which for a time as much briefness as may befit the subject, and a followed the almost superhuman efforts of the proper regard to distinctness and sufficient illusHungarians, and the wondrous energy and resources which the exigency seemed to call forth, From the establishment of the Hungarian induced with many the hope, that notwithstand-State, in the 9th century, by the election of Arpad ing the terrible disparity of the hostile parties, to the headship of the Magyars, that people rethe side of Liberty would still prevail. Sudden- served a larger share of liberty of action and ly, however, like a thunder-peal in midwinter, conscience, and of popular rights than was done there came across the sea, intelligence of the elsewhere in Europe, at that day, or for ages surrender of Görgey-the dispersion of all of subsequently. Essentially a martial race, yieldthe Hungarian armies-the flight of Kossuth and other of the leaders, and the complete triumph of the party of reaction and of absolutism—

"Men slaughter'd, children bondslaves made, sweet la-
dies forc'd with lust;
Fires climbing tow'rs, and turning them to heaps of fruit-

less dust."

ing to their chosen leaders all that obedience necessary for the prompt and successful execution of their schemes of conquest, they nevertheless most sedulously guarded their social and political rights, and restricted the powers of those leaders. And this. while at the same time, enslaving and despoiling of both rights and lands, those races encountered and vanquished on the broad and fertile plains of Pannonia.

After a time, when being no longer agitated Between that period and the first quarter of by exciting events, and the "likelihoods and the 13th century, a gradual aggrandizement of forms of hope," the waves of popular emotion the several branches of the nobility was effected— had subsided. here and there grave essays, Transylvania, Slavonia, Croatia, Servia, Dalmawith much display of regard for, and appreciation of the truths and requirements of history were made to give such a version of the origin,

* We refer especially to the articles in the North American Review on this subject.

tia, Moldavia, Bosnia, Gallicia and Bessarabia* | throne of Hungary occurred by the election of all inhabited by races of the great Slavic family, Ferdinand, brother of the then reigning empewere successively annexed to the Hungarian dominions.

ror, Charles V. From that ill-starred day this family has furnished kings to Hungary, who, About 1322, in the reign of Andreas II, the while ever ready in times of immediate need with nobles of the kingdom wrung from that monarch ample acknowledgments of the obligations and the "Golden Bull," a charter of much the same restrictions of the Hungarian Constitution, with import and importance as the " Magna Charter," new concessions and solemn oaths to pay each which some eight years previously had been and all due observance, have nevertheless incesgranted under similar circumstances to the Eng-santly, either by bold encroachments or subtle lish Barons. This charter, the fundamental con- machinations and intrigues, sought to subvert stitution of Hungary, and peculiarly dear to that the institutions of the kingdom and usurp the people, secured, it must be admitted, many priv-rights of the people. ileges and immunities to certain classes in the State to the prejudice and oppression of others In 1687 Leopold I. succeeded in gaining a and of the subjected races. But in the course semblance of legislative sanction, by which the of time, a middle class was politically recogHouse of Hapsburg, without further legislative throne of Hungary was made hereditary in the nized; the representative branch of the Legislaformalities. But this usurpation was earnestly ture, at first restricted to the noble classes excluresisted with various fortune; and at one time a sively, was opened to delegates from the free towns and royal cities;† municipal institutions treaty was proposed by the king, restoring all founded on a broad basis of representation were previous constitutional privileges; granting relicreated, and other material enlargements of the gious freedom and stipulating that a general rights of the inferior classes and races were grad-Diet should be convened to determine and restore the laws, with guarantees for many other measually accomplished.‡ ures of social and political reform. But circum

stances not connected with the main and national

Thus, much the same as in England, was the the Constitution of Hungary gradually formed and developed-starting with a charter forced points at issue, prevented the conclusion of the from a reluctant monarch by the noble classes, it treaty.* Leopold died, and the struggle was as was enlarged by degrees to suit the requirements. indomitably maintained through the reign of his newly developed interests and ideas and the pro-ed to swear on his coronation, that the people son and successor, Joseph I, who was constraingress of social and political civilization of the nation, while certain restrictions on the one side of Hungary "should preserve, under the heredand privileges on the other became in time obso-itary monarchy, all the privileges, immunities, lete and inoperative.

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rights, customs and liberties which they had enjoyed under the elective monarchy," through the successive reigus of Charles III. and Maria Theresa, and until the death of Joseph II., the ablest of his dynasty, who had so strenuously, though vainly, labored to mould the various heterogeneinto one central, homogeneous, germanized govous races and nationalities, owning his sway ernment, regardless of any and all incongruities, dissimilar institutions, languages, customs and different stages of social and political progress. Leopold II., brother of Joseph, having ascended

*The five last principalities were detached during the the throne, yielded to the popular demands and reign of Sigismund.

was crowned in accordance with ancient cus+ Deputies from towns and boroughs were not admitted into the English Parliament until the reign of Edward I. toms, and in 1790, in explicit phrase concedBut at first these deputies possessed few privileges and ed: "That Hungary is a free and independent little authority; being merely called upon to provide for nation in her entire system of legislation and the wants of the King and to approve of the measures and resolutions of the monarch and the assembly of the Peers. In the course of time the powers of this class of the Legislature were extended and the present House of Commons grew up.

The writer of the abstract of Paget's Hungary referred to in note, p. 1 of this article, who is generally so correct, was not authorized by the text of Paget in stating that no amalgamation took place in Hungary between the conquering Magyars and the Slavonians.

government, and not subject to any other State or any other people, but that she shall always have her own separate existence and her own constitution, and shall consequently be governed by kings crowned according to her national

*The consummation of this treaty was prevented by a a denial of certain just claims of the leaders of the revolt.

laws. rights and customs."* This declaration. and of too slight regard and trivial nature to since confirmed by all his successors, on the oc- stay their measures of centralization and absocasion of their coronation, establishes beyond lutism. For centuries, therefore, the struggle controversy Hungary's claim to separate nation has never ceased :—on the one side, the Hungaality and independence of all interference by the rians are seen arrayed, battling firmly for their cabinet of Vienna. old constitutional institutions and rights, seeking to preserve them intact-for which their most zealous, watchful efforts were requisite-when not able to secure new concessions and give wider scope to the constitutional spirit of the people. On the other hand-but most often in ambush―

That Hungary "was not an independent country, the greatest courtier," says Paget, "would not dare insinuate." (Hungary and Transylvania, vol. i, p. 110.)

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"There can be no clearer fact," says a writer in the Edinburgh Review, "in the history of absolutism has kept the field, and by nimble Modern Europe than the constitutional indepen- strategy or bold assault has, with equal pertinadence of Hungary.” Five times city and greater cunning, pursued its encroachin the course of a single century (1696, 1711) did ments and interferences. the Hungarian people rise in defence of their During the wars with Napoleon, the Diet was constitution, and what is still dearer to them, regularly convened by Francis II., but no sooner their liberty. * On the approach of was the Holy Alliance formed, and the dread Corforeign invasion they were as devoted to Kaisar sican consigned to his living tomb, than such conas the cavaliers to Charles Stuart. In as- vocations were dispensed with, and Hungary serting their rights they were as keen, vigilant was made dependent directly upon the central and unflinching as Pym, Hampden and Somers." (Vol. xc, p. 233.)

Hungary is in no wise to be regarded as an Austrian province, a dependency of the imperial crown. All who so view her are strangely misinformed, and

"Take from thence all error."

The connexion between the two realms of Austria and Hungary was, and is much the same as that which existed between the electorate of Hanover and Great Britain from the acces sion of George I. to the English throne, until the death of William IV.-that of a common king.t

council of State until 1825, when Hungarian resistance again compelled the assemblage of that body, and another confirmation of the organic laws of the State.

It may be said, however, that until 1827 many of the most strenuous and determined opponents of the central power were of the class of Magnates, those who maintained the struggle with a view to the restoration and secure possession of personal and class-exclusive privileges and immunities. But from 1827 there rose up a new party in Hungary; animated by nobler and more far-reaching comprehensive aims, and soaring above special, personal or class considerationsardent advocates of wholesome reform in old inNotwithstanding these historical facts and stitutions; an extension of privileges to classes these explicit acknowledgments of the obliga- not regarded in the old constitution—freedom of tions of the constitution so often confirmed in commerce, improvement of its channels and of the most solemn manner in the face of the Hun- internal communication; increased freedom and garian nation, by royal coronation-oaths, the the education of the Peasants; the freedom of cabinet of Vienna and the Hapsburg dynasty the press and the abrogation of laws restricting have ever seemed to regard them as merely the sale and purchase of landed property. made to be "undone and brought to nothing,"

The party advocating these salutary measures and known as the "Hungarian party," formed a *"Hungary—including Croatia, Slavonia and the Li- majority of the privileged classes known to the tora-is free and independent, preserving its regime, con- constitution. The largest portion of the arisstitution, tribunals and its customs, and may not be governed as an Austrian province. The legislative power tocracy of the nation having become liberal, and can only be exercised by Diets convoked in accordance earnestly desirous of freeing the people from the with law, by a crowned king. The powers of the tribu- effete institutions and restrictive laws of a barnals are fixed. The king alone can exercise executive barous age, sought to give free development to the powers, but in strict conformity alone with the fundamental laws, his acts are null if not in conformity with the constitution. He was obliged to convene the Diet every three years," &c., &c. See Marshal Marmont's " Notes Sur Hongrie." Paris.

† After the greater portion of this article had been written, we met with Blackwood's Magazine for May, 1849, in which we find this, the true position of Hungary towards Austria fully declared. Yet the partiality of that Journal for Austria is well known.

representative character of their institutions, and to erect a government based on true constitutional and representative principles in accordance with the imperative demands of the time which they had the intelligence to see. Yet these

* See Marmont's "Notes Sur Hongrie," Paget's "Hungary." &c. Vol. i, p. 102 especially-and also, the Trayels of Elliott, another Englishman who visited Hungary

healthy and beneficent schemes were mostly and signal usefulness. such for instance as writfrustrated by delay or adroit evasion on the side ten reports of the proceedings of the Diet, which

he for the first time prepared and spread before the Hungarian people. For this, however, in 1837, he was thrown into prison in direct violation of settled laws, and remained immured until 1840, when he was released with other prisoners of State by an act of general amnesty.

of the Austrian government, whose officials, in the meanwhile, were assiduously employed in fomenting dissentions between races, and in arousing the idea of discordant interests between the higher classes and the peasants. The evidences of this are neither few nor inconclusive.* As early as 1835 Baron Wesselenyi Miklos, a The patriot party clung-we must here statemagnate of high talents, impassioned eloquence, with unflinching pertinacity in all controversies great popularity and indomitable energy, had with the central authorities, to the strict letter of distinguished himself in the Diet of Transylva- the old constitution with all its class-immunities nia, by liberalism and unbending opposition to and restrictions; for therein was involved the Austrian aggression, and had gained a decided whole question of Hungarian independence and triumph in that very body, one half of which separate national existence-it was the safewas composed of bureaucratic nominations. The guard of the nation against Austrian encroachresult of this was the dissolution of the Diet. ment and ambition-but at the same time they The indomitable and patriotic noble then pro- sought by well-digested measures to give ample ceeded to Hungary, of which he was likewise a development in the spirit of their old represenmagnate, and where at one of the county meet-tative institutions to every thing calculated to ings, he urged with all his powers, and to the advance the social and political status of the conviction of his auditors, the policy and justice people.

of extending equal rights to peasants and all Along side with the party of political reform classes within the broad domains of Hungary. and development, worked with equal ardor and In the name of more than 8.000.000 of oppress-intelligence, one organized and led by Count ed countrymen he solicited and demanded this- Szechenyi, a magistrate. Their aim and purand asserted as a matter thoroughly apparent, pose was the development of the physical rethat Austrian authorities were industriously fo- sources-vast and multifarious in extent and menting and spreading dissensions, ill-feeling kind-of the country, which until then had been and jealousies between classes and races.† wholly neglected, when not directly or indirectly For this address he was arrested and consign- obstructed and impaired by measures of Aused to a dungeon, from which he emerged several trian policy. The introduction of steam on the years thereafter blind and a cripple for life. As Danube-the building of various bridges-the may have been anticipated from the Hungarian construction and repairs of high ways and other character, such a high-handed and illegal measure met with the most earnest remonstrance from all quarters in Hungary. In the Diet it was discussed with irrepressible warmth and dauntlessness-the most liberal sentiments were uttered amid smiles and loud cheers of applause, while but a faint, feeble attempt, falling upon listless ears, was made to stem the current of popular condemnation and displeasure. Among the speakers on that occasion was Kossuth, then a young man, but of great promise, and already identified with acts of intelligent liberalism

soon after the introduction of steam on the Danube, and who states as a "remarkable feature in the country, and as one which indicates a generous tone of feeling on the part of the aristocracy, that under the conviction of their enjoying a power too unlimited for the present enlightened state of Europe, they are themselves desirous and have lately proposed to their Sovereign that a modification of their prerogatives should take place through the intervention of Laws."

* See Paget's Hungary.

+ See Paget's Hungary. Vol. i, pp. 29–30. See Paget's Hungary, vol. i, p. 31, for the fact of Kossuth's presence in the Diet of 1836, and his speech on that occasion. He was a deputy, not a mere scribe or secretary in that Diet as some have stated.

works of internal communication, were some of the most notable results of this movement, as well as the dissemination of much information relative to outside progress, and the institutions and domestic policy of the freest European nations, especially of England.

By 1847 the party of progress had become an irresistible host. Hungarians of all classes occupied themselves in thought, word and act, with the political state of the nation to the exclusion of other subjects and concerns. In June of that year, eight months before the French revolution, the great work commenced in stern earnest and determination. A programme of the

This is admitted by even the writers on the Austrian side. See Tyndale's "Hungarian Campaign," London, 1850, Page 2, whose proclivities may be seen in the fact that in detailing an unsuccessful attempt to basely assassinate General Bem, he regards the escape of the brave and able Pole as due to the evil genius of the Siebenburg, (see p. 58,) and who can "have nothing to say" with regard to the "complicated question of the rights and wrongs" involved in the disputes between Croatia and Hungary, his part being merely "to use the sword of the Emperor" and not that equally dangerous weapon the pen, p. 14.

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