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Should lift their bosoms higher than the shores,
And make a sop of all this solid globe;
Strength should be lord of imbecility,

And the rude son should strike his father dead:
Force should be right; or rather right and wrong
(Between whose endless jar justice resides,)
Should lose their names, and so should justice too.

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And this neglection of degree it is,
That by a pace goes backward, with a purpose
It hath to climb. The general's disdained
By him one step below; he, by the next;
That next, by him beneath: so every step,
Exampled by the first pace that is sick
Of his superior, grows to an envious fever
Of pale and bloodless emulation.

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It is sometimes said by persons who are ill-informed upon such subjects, that the expression of a king being the "father of his people," is a figure derived from the similarity of a nation to a family, but that it is nothing more than a figure. This is very erroneous: the king is in fact the "father," in all cases where the natural author of the child's being abandons his duties towards him. In early ages, when the nature of property was such that it could not be enjoyed by infants and females, as for example in a

inigratory life, or where law afforded scarcely any protection, and the only defence of person or goods was military prowess, the jurisdiction of the king had little room for its exercise, and the natural father exercised power even of life and death over his child. But still he was answerable to the king, until the law of the twelve tables gave an undefined power to Roman fathers, which seems never to have been called in question till restrained by Trajan, and finally abolished by Constantine. When, however, the northern hordes of Scythian origin, with customs derived in more unmixed succession from the patriarchal times, broke in upon the western empire, the power and importance of each sovereign being in exact proportion to the number of his retainers, the life of a subject was worth preserving, and the rights of infants were defended by the king in all cases where the father was inclined to violate them. When, in more settled times, infants and females became entitled to property, either in possession or in reversion, their rights too were preserved to them during

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their nonage by the power of the crown. The barbarity of the Roman law was but an extension, by those savage heathens, of the principle which antecedently existed: and the subsequent mitigation still leaves the principle untouched, that the king is the father of every child in his dominions, and the guardian to ensure to him the performance of those duties which his parents neglect.

On this sound view of national, and especially of Christian law, did Lord Chancellor Eldon, using the king's power and authority, refuse to allow an avowed infidel, Shelly, and a notoriously wicked and abandoned man, Wellesley Pole, to have the guardianship of their own children.

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It is wisely expressed by the greatest philo sopher, and one of the greatest statesmen and divines that ever lived, Lord Bacon, that ai king is a mortal god on earth, unto whom the living God hath lent his own name, as great honour. He must make religion the rule of government, and not to balance the scale; for he that casteth in religion only tou

make the scales even, his own weight is contained in those characters, mene, mene, tekel upharsin: he is found too light, his kingdom shall be taken from him: and that king who holds not religion the best reason of state, is void of all piety and justice, the supporters of a king." To the same purpose speaks a philosopher and republican, but a pious man, and great statesman. "Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, the firmest prop of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it be simply asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice; and let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be main

tained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle."-Washington, quoted by Anderson.

The special purpose for which the whole frame-work of human society is supported, is in order that it might be a scaffolding, by means of which the living stones of the spiritual temple of God may be brought together, and fitted into their particular and appointed places. God upholds Christendom only until the number of His elect shall be accomplished. As soon as that has taken place, the whole fabric will be taken down, and the pure and beautiful church and city of the New Jerusalem alone appear. The first object, therefore, of a Christian king should be the Church of Christ: its protection, its encouragement, its enlargement. The office of preserving peace within the borders of his state, and of defending it from external aggression, is of far inferior import

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