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those clerks and inspectors had to attend to; and, the plain question is, are the people to be made to pay for giving their votes? Sir Francis Burdett employed no agent; he gave no one authority to act in his name; he was elected without his knowledge; and, must he be made to pay' for having taken his seat? And, is it no breach of the privileges of the house, that one of its members is harrassed with an execution merely because he has been elected a member of the house? - MR. BRAGGE said the house could not entertain the question, because the charge of the judge had not been entered on the record. But, here again, a law-suit, the scourge, the fire and brimstone of a lawsuit, is coolly contemplated. Do you mean to say, then, that a man cannot take his seat in the House of Commons, in consequence of the free choice of the people, without exposing himself to what is infinitely worse than being maimed as Sir John Coventry was? It appears to me, that it should be so clearly and so generally understood, that a member of parliament is to pay no money on account of his election, that a suit against him, on such account, would be received in the same way as a suit against him for having black hair. It was the people, who went and demanded to vote for Sir Francis Burdett, and demanded also, that their votes should be registered, in the same books with the vores of others; and, were they, or any of them, for this cause, to be deemed the agents of Sir Francis Burdett ? THE SPEAKER said, "after what bad "passed, in allusion to him, it was neces sary for him to put the honourable baro"net right, as to what he had stated on a "former night. What he had said was, "that, when any practical inconvenience "did arise, if the honourable baronet con"tinued to think, that it involved a question "of privilege, he should, in that event, lose "no time in applying to the house. He had "no hesitation in saying, that if any judge "should recommend to a jury what could "be construed into a breach of the privi"leges of that house, it was the duty of the "house to resist, and to guide their course

according to circumstances. As there was no motion before the house, he "should only suggest two different modes "of proceeding, both of which had been "adopted in the reign of Charles the Se"cond. One was in the case of Judge "Weston, where an impeachment was or

dered, and the other, in the same reign, "where that measure not being deemed ne cessary, the matter was allowed to drop without any farther discussion. Those

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"who thought the present a case of the "most serious nature, would probably be of opinion, that the former of these was the "preferable mode of proceeding; while "others again might be inclined to think "that the latter was the most desirable way of disposing of the present question. He "had stated what were the modes of pro"ceeding, and it was for the house to say, "whether in this case the more or less se"rious mode ought to be adopted.”—“ Sir

FRANCIS BURDETT said, the sources from "whence he derived his information as to "the recommendation of the judge, were "the notes of the short hand writer em•

ployed to take avun the trial, and the in"formation of his counsel. He esteemed "these as affording him sufficient foundation "for bringing the matter before the Louse. "The only thing he had submitted to the "house was the instruction of the judge;" "that the circumstance of his taking hisse it,

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a thing which was incumbent on him, was "such an approval and ratification of the proceedings had during the election, as "must subject him in the expense of the histings. He felt himself by no means interested in the fate of this discussion. lle "esteemed it to be the cause of the hon e, and, if he had taken a bill of exceptions, or adopted any other mode of setting aside "the verdict than that which he now used, "in submitting the case to the consideration of the house, he should have conceived "that he subjected himself to a severe censure for his conduct. He now left it to "the house to determine as they thought proper."--Here the matter dropped, and that, too, without one word from the reforming Whigs; except, indeed, from Sir Arthur Pigott, who was decidedly against any interference on the part of the house. E that it is now settled, that a man may be made to pay for a part, at least, of the expenses of an election, at which he may have been nominated and chosen without his consent; and even against his will. This is a newly discovered feature in "our glorious constitution." Nay, whether chosen, or not, he may be made to pay, unices the taking of the seat be the act which renders his liable. Suppose Sir Francis Burdett had been out-polled by the bewer or by the late Treasurer of the Navy. Why should be not have been made to pay in that case, as well as in this case? For, the hustings and the books would have been as much used by him then, as they have been now; and, this being the case, a little knot of electors have, at any time, the power of half-ruining any man, of little fortune, against whom they

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"maintaining the constitution, do you?
"Well, here it is, this is it; and, this
we are ready to maintain against all its
"enemies, beginning with those whom we
"know to have assailed it."
Aye, you
perverse dogs," say they, we know
you are; but, that is not what we mean.
"We want you to spend your last shilling

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and to shed your last drop in defending "what we call the constitution; that is to

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may have a spite. They have nothing to do but to nominate him at Westminster, and demand a poll in his favour, to make him. liable to a share of the High Bailiff's charges., Was there ever any thing so monstrous as this heard of before? Is this the constitution of England? Is it this that we are called upon to pay and to bleed for?-Some people say, that it is hard, that the expense should fall upon the High Bailiff; but, those persons are, surely, not informed, that the High Bailiff's is a very lucrative office; that he derives his emoluments out of the pockets of the people of Westminster; and that he buys his office, not of those people, but of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster. To take the elections, in the city, is one of the duties attached to the High Bailiff's office; it is one of the purposes for which emoluments are given him; and, if he pays so much to the Dean and Chapter as not to leave him a sufficiency to defray the expenses of taking elections, the fault is his, or that of the Dean and Chapter, and by no means that of the people, who have an undoubted right to come and vote for their representatives free of all expense, and free of expense to those representatives also; for, it is evident, that, if the representative be loaded with expense, it must be injurious to the constituent. But, this is the state, into which all is now got. Offices are spoken of as things to produce money; and, accordingly, they are bought and sold. The duties are left out of the consideration; or, when required to be performed, are to be paid for, just in the same way as if there were no salary, or income, attached to the office. All that now remains for the people of Westminster to do, is to resist the claim of the High Bailiff at every election. It would, perhaps, be adviseable for the members chosen to await the regular process for compelling them to take their seats; and, after that, to see what the court of king's bench will do. In the meanwhile, it would not be amiss, if the committee for the last election were to as certain the annual amount of the High Bailiff's emoluments; the several sources from which they are derived; the price which he pays for his office; the uses to which the money is applied; and the origi

al intention of the grant of such emoluments. Such an inquiry will be of great use; it will lead us back to former times and usages, and will enable us to hold up the constitution to the faces of those, who are so vehemently calling upon us to maintain it. This is the way to fight them, You want us to spend our last shilling, Our drop of blood, in

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say, us and our power and our numerous " and immense emoluments.”- -It is, however, quite useless to write, or to talk much, about these things. We all of us understand one another very well. The resolution, upon both sides, has, Jong ago, been formed. Time alone can produce any change; but, in the meanwhile, on one side all is fear, and, on the other hope, or, at least, the absence of fear, it being impossible to discover any ground for apprehension.

PITT'S BIRTH DAY.- -The 28th of May was, it seems, the day, which gave this man to the world, and it appears from publication in the Courier news-paper of the 30th, that the anniversary of his birth was celebrated on that day, at the Merchant Taylor's Hall, in the city of London. ! have read over the long list of the persons, who are said to have been present, and I do not see the name of one single person who is not, in himself, or his relations, a receiver of the public money, in one shape or in another; I do not see the name of one single independent gentleman; I do not see the name of any one person, to whom, as a member of parliament, I would give my vote. This was as it should be; and the proceedings, at the dinner, were perfectly in character. Upon the cloth being re moved, a psalm was sung, "Not unto "not unto us, O Lord, &c. &c." by a set of hired singers, in exact imitation of the proceedings of the diverting vagabonds," who, from the play-houses and the stews, as sembled to celebrate the triumph of Mr. Sheridan and Sir Samuel Hood at Westminster, and which triumph, I would have these imita tors recollect, was but of very short dura tion.--Next followed a lying Ode, from the editor of a news-paper; a precious spe cimen of doggerel, but admirably adapted to the subject and to the audience. The composer seemed to be perfectly aware of the motives of the festival, and, therefore, he took care to say, that,

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not en 'self can say this noble train, their rites with sordid ends profane," This was by way of anticipation; but, Mr. QUIN may dog gere! his eyes out, before he will get any

man of common sense to believe him. Such men well know the real motives of this meeting, and they know, that they are sordidness itself; they know, that to celebrate the birth-day of Pitt, is to inculcate the praise of a squandering of the people's earnings upon those who do not labour; they know, that this festival was intended, by the mass of those who assisted at it, to brazen out the acts by which they had been enriched at the public expence.--After the Ode" came forth MR. FITZGERALD with a recitation of some still worse doggerel of his, which has long been kicked about the bookseller's shops, and serving occasionally for a shade to their windows, under the title of "An independent tribute to the "memory of Mr. Pitt." This effusion of independence comes from a man, who has, I believe, for many years, been in the Stamp Office, or in some other office, under the minister of the day, and during his pleasure. This gentleman holds the pen of a ready writer. He is always at it. No matter what the subject, so that it be but auspicious to his little interests, and, as the wise Duke said, "scribble, scribble, scribble." Let there be but a dinner toward, and you are sure to hear of this Mr. Fitzgerald and his odes. Two or three years ago, the news. paper people used to let us see his odes; but, of late, they have had the prudence merely to tell us about them. The Courier says not a word in praise of this "independent tri"bute," whence I should suppose, that, in spite of the poet's indefatigable exertions, be is, at last, not very rich, and that he finds, to his severe mortification, that, while he is obliged to give praise upon mere speculation, and upon very long credit, at best, he is unable to obtain it except upon condition of high price and prompt payment. Since I discovered, that authors paid reviewers for suffering them to review their own books, I have ceased to look into the London reviews; but, at the time when I did, this son of doggerel appeared to be in close connection with the reviewers; and, accordingly, accounts of his insignifi cant performances made, frequently, a great figure in those works, which the dupes ahout the country look upon as the standard of taste.What a life this poor man must lead! Continually upon the watch for some occasion of paying his court to those who have the power of adding to his salary. Continually battering his dull brains for some new tag, as a conveyance for his disgusting panegyrick. Of all the slaves on earth the most wretched must surely be a slave in rhymeThe independent tribute"

being finished, the "principles of Pitt were toasted, with a wish that they might continue to inspire the councils of Great Britain, which was followed by the tune of "Britons strike home." Astonishing impudence! As if the public could fail to know, that it was during his administration, that France became mistress of the continent of Europe, and that England became, what she now is, a country besieged. These very people will tell you, that the situation of the country is such, that your only hope is, to be able to escape being couquered by France, Into this situation we have, it is notorious, been brought during the prevalence of the principles of Pitt; and yet these people have the impudence and insolence to tell the world, that they glory in those principles, and that they wish them still to be acted upon.-Aye, but they do not mean these principles. They mean the principles upon which the people have been loaded with texes and themselves loaded with wealth. The principles, upon which the enormous grants of money have been made, and upon which the hundreds, who could be ramed, have been permitted to fatten.-There appears to have been something of a mixture of masquerade at this festival; for, there is a speech given (and which I am now about to insert), under the name of " the Lord

Chancellor," which never could have come from any man, being a real Lord Chancellor of England.- "The LORD "CHANCELLOR, whose feelings were so "strongly affected, that it was with great "difficulty he addressed the company, said, "that he lamented most bitterly the loss, "which the nation and mankind had sus "tained in the death of Mr. Pitt, and he "would offer up his prayers to a gracious "Providence that this loss might be supplied "by raising up some distinguished charac "ter by the superiority of whose genius and "virtue the protection of the human race

might be secured. His poor endeavours "he should constantly exert for the benefit "of his country; he was happy in the confidence of his sovereign, and he revered "that august prince, because he knew that "he valued the liberties of those over whom

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"he was appointed to reign. He (lord "Eldon) was not only the political friend "of the eminent statesman whose birth-day.

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they were now celebrating, but he was "the private friend of his heart, and he "could not advert to the deprivation he had "suffered without the most poignant grief.

Happy would it have been for him, had "he himself been the precursor of the asso"ciate of his bosom in the vale of death. I

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which I conceive to be most consistent "with the interests, the happiness, and "the liberties of the people of Great Bri"tain. In all the experience which I have

had of the views and conduct of my de"ceased and lamented friend, I have ever is seen that in no moment he neglected the good of the state, but always felt the most vigilant and jealous anxiety for the well"being of all ranks and conditions of men." --No: I will not, for a moment, suppose, that this was uttered by a Lord Chancellor of England. It must have come from some methodist preacher, dressed up in a big wig and gown. The Courier relates, that " upon the close of this speech,the company began to retire ;" and, well they might. The benediction was all that was wanted after this prayer for all ranks and conditions of "men." Associate of his bosom in the vale of death, indeed! What miserable,what disgusting stuff! What wretched humbug! No: the present Lord Chancellor would not get drunk; and, I am very sure, that, sober, he never would have thus exposed himself to laughter.One of the motives, and the principal one, amongst the instigators of this festival, doubtless was, the embarrass. ment and mortification of their political opponents, who have dropped the celebration of the birth-day of their hero, chiefly, perhaps, because they are not enough united to Keep it up. But, why did they not join the others? Why not go and sing Non Nobis. Domine" in a superior style?" Why not go and clap the ode of Mr. Quin, and the

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independent tribute" of Mr. Fitzgerald? Why not offer up their prayers to a gracious Providence," that another Pitt might arise for the protection of the human race?" Why not all this? They joined these commemorating set in voting away forty thousand pounds of the people's money to pay Pitt's debts, and that, too, upon the score of his public services. Why, then, should they not join in celebrating his birth day. When it had been made clearly appear, that Pitt, without any authority, and without the consent or knowledge of even his colleagues in office, had lent without interest forty thousand pounds of the public money to two men, who had, at that fine, seats in the House of Commons, the Whigs, instead of what the people.expected, proposed a lill of indemnity for him. Why celebrate his birth-day, then. Why

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pout and slink away? Why not go on as they were going? From the moment they themselves came into power, they be came the eulogists, the open, the avowed, imitators of Pitt, of whom, upon all occasions, they spoke as of a great and virtuous minister. Why skulk, then? Why not brazen a thing out in a birth-day celebration? And, if they could not get their heads in, at Merchant Taylor's Hall, why not have a meeting elsewhere? This faction is the most completely embarrassed and baffled of any one that the country ever saw. Eager. ness to grasp at power and pelf made them join with, and truckle to, the Grenvilles. The condition imposed upon them evidently was, that they should praise Pitt, and avow their intention to imitate his conduct as fat as possible. This has been to them the .bundant source of inconsistencies and disgrace; and it will continue to flow during the remainder of their political lives · At the birth-day dinner, one toast was,

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The Spanish nation, and success to the efforts of its people against the tyranny of Buonaparté." So, here we are in love with the Spaniards, after having seized their fri gates without a declaration of war, and made two attempts at seizing their territory in South America. "The tyranny of Buonaparté ; aye, and the tyranny of any lody else. Tyranny is not more tyranny for being exercised by Buonaparte. Our compassion for oppressed people seems to lie dormant always, until those people get into the clutches of Buonaparté. For my part, I can see no difference in being oppressed and robbed by him and in being oppressed and robbed by others. What is it to the Spaniards, if they are to be slaves, whether they be his slave s, or the slaves of the Prince of Peace or of a set of tyrants, raised up an ongs themselves? The newspapers have, of late, entertained us with accounts of the ideocy of the king of Spain, of the baseness of the heir apparent, and of the rascality of the ministers, who, by mere dint of impudence and profligacy obtained the power of oppressing the people. What do these birthday people want, then? Do they want the people of Spain to continue under the old system? Can they conceive any tyranny more galling than that which is exercised by notorious rogues in the name of a slavering ideot? What do they want? Do they want to see a revolution take place, and a new kind of government set up? Hardly; yet, it is difficult to say what else they can want. Napoleon will not fail, I dare say, to keep a pretty tight hand over the Spa niards; but, the question is, can the people

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of Spain be more oppressed than they now are? This is not the question for us, relative to Spain; for, it may suit us for the Spaniards to continue slaves under their present rulers rather than be free (if that were likely to be the case) under Napoleon. But, it is the question, and the only question, for the people of Spain; and, whatever may be the wishes of the birth-day gentry, they may be assured, that, if the people of Spain feel that they cannot change for the worse, they will make no resistance against the French. When mere life is all that a man has left to preserve; when the government has proceeded, inch by iach, till he has stripped him to the skin; when bare existence is all that he can call his own, it is too much to expect him to hazard that, to place that in immediate and imminent danger, lest the object of his allegiance should be changed. Being satisfied that nothing worse can come, he will naturally wish for a change; because in any change, be it what it may, the chances are in his favour. This is as plain, and the conclusion as infallible, as that of the result of any question in the rule of three. It must be so, and it will be so, in spite of all the toasts and all the psalms and all the prayers of the Pittites and their underlings.

It appears to me, that there is another, and a very sufficient reason, for a people, who, like the Spaniards, are held in slavery by their domestic tyrants, wishing toexchange that tyranny for the tyranny of a man like Napoleon. Men find an apology to them. selves for quietly submitting to the commands of a great conqueror and immense armies. It is evident to all the world, in such a case, that resistance is vain; and, therefore, there is no disgrace in submission. But, to submit to a band of tame intriguing rogues, who, under the names of law and justice, so completely immesh the people as to make one half of them the spies upon, and the plunderers and hangmen of the other half, is an infamy that man cannot bear with any degree of patience. When things are come to this pass, resistance is full as vain here as in the other case; but the fact is not so evident to the world; and the slave cannot make to himself the same apology. Any nation, however numerous, wise, and brave, may be conquered and enslaved by a superior foreign force, and may be well entitled to the compassion and respect of the world; but, a nation which is enslaved by domestic tyrants, which does, in fact, enslave itself, is, and ought to be, an object of universal contempt. It is, therefore, quite natural, - that men should be, as we have recently seen them, in so many instances, ready to

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exchange a domestic for a foreign tyranny, even supposing that they are sure, that the latter will be as severe as the former. —————I have often been amused by the earnest exhortations of the Courier and the Morning Post, addressed to the inhabitants of countries about to be invaded by Napoleon, calling upon them," in the sacred name of liberty," to come forth and be chopped down to the last man, rather than suffer their country to be plundered by the French. Alas! poor fellows, if they could have read these disinterested exhortations, they would not have been able to understand one word of them. To talk to them about liberty and property is like talking to the African about frost and snow. If they had known the meaning of the words, their answer would have been: Why man, we have no liberty to preserve, we are already plundered to the very skin; and we defy the French to plunder any body but those who now plunder us, and who insult us into the bargain." If the Morning Post could have received an answer from some of these people, how foolish its editor would have looked. The people, who were about to be invaded by the French, were full as good judges of their situation and interests as the Morning Post was. They well knew that they could not be plundered; or they would have fought to keep out the plunderer, The thing speaks for itself. We all will do much to guard our own possessions. The most cowardly of mankind will scratch and bite those who come to take away their food and raiment; and, therefore, when a populous nation suffers itself to be overrun by a foreign enemy, we may be assured, that the people in general of that nation do not think that that enemy will, or can, do them any harm. There is a sort of intuitive reasoning, which leads people to conclude, that the enemy, be he what he may, will not take away people's food, nor make the land barren. The Morning Post reasons in a different way. It supposes all the world made for the use of England; that, any longer than a country can be of use to England it cannot be considered as any other than base and infamous; and, of course, that, when it is overrun by the French, it is become base and infamous, and may as well be annihilated at once. But, so reason not the people of other countries. They consult their own happiness; and, if they think they shall be happier under the dominion of the French than they now are, though we may regret this opinion of theirs, we can have no right to abuse them for acting upon it. One more toast, and then I

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