26 on their Journals, it was impossible to say "to what extent the mischiet might be car"ried hereafter. Gentlemen might say "what they pleased in that house upon the "subject, but their words would have no "effect upon the country at large; and the precedent would appear upon their Jour"nals without their arguments in support of the measure, so that hereafter it might "be made use of, but on slighter grounds 66 66. 66 even than those on which the present proposition stood.. Agriculture was a business that required most extraordinary "steadiness, more than almost any other * parsnits. that mankind were engaged in; and if the farmers were left without four years steadiness in the law that was to govern them, there would be no market, comparatively speaking, for a redundant crop, and no resource in time of scarcity. "In Ireland there was no steadiness in the "law upon this head until the year 1784. "The law was at that time fixed; and al"most ever since they have been able to "send considerable supplies of grain annual"ly to England In every point of view " that he could look upon the present subject, it left so strong an impression of its impolicy on his mind, that he felt himself * bound to vote against the Speaker's leav ing the chair."- "MR. WINDHAM-declared that the principles laid down by the right hon. gent. who had just sat "down, and by another right hon. gen “tleman (Mr. Ponsonby) need only be ❝ heard, to carry conviction to the mind of "any dispassionate man. The committee, "however, had been instructed to consider f of the best means of affording relief to the "West India planters, and to consider of " that subject only, as it was imagined at "least; but all of a sudden, and most con"veniently it seems for the wishes of the "" gentlemen on the other side (all but the "chancellor of the exchequer for Ireland), "the idea of a scarcity in the country darts upon their mind, something like Bayes's army in disguise, and gives a new turn to their proceedings. Really, whilst there "of Ireland they were treble the price that they were in these two years of remark-. "able scarcity."" MR. JOHN SMITH "did not think the measure went far enough."- "SIR H. MILDMAY thought "it necessary to controvert the assertions of "the noble lord (Castlereagh), in order to prevent the effect of any unfounded alarm "in the country, which might be the was such vaccillation of opinion, such un"steadiness among their councils, there was 14 little or no hope left for confidence in fu-ture! And, in fact, if there was any consequence of his calculations if they were not disproved."It was easy to foresee, that very little of what was new could possibly be said upon the subject of this debate; and, accordingly. there does not appear, from this report, to have been one argument made use of, which had not before been run to the very lees. There are, however, some assertions and remarks that deserve to be particularly noticed. Mr. Coke said, that "there had been an increase of one-fourth in the produce of wheat within the last fourteen years." This was meant, I suppose, to shew that the land was capable of supplying all the wants of the people, without the aid of West India produce to be used in the distilleries. But, unfortunately for Mr. Coke, it is a fact not to be denied, that, during the last fourteen y years, during the progress of this astonishing increase, the nation has been increasing its imports of corn, and that it has experienced more distress from scarcity than during a whole century preceding. If such be the effect of Mr. Coke's increase, or, if his increase does not prevent such effect, what is the use of it? And to what end have those numerous clubs of wise men been formed, who watch over the agricultural concerns of the country, and one of which clubs, consisting of hard-working farmers (poor fellows!), voted a cup, or a vase, of gold, to be presented to this very Mr. Coke, and of which he accepted? A man of great ambition and small talent will always be, if he be rich, at the head of something or other. He will always find flatterers amongst either knaves or fools; and, if he cannot purchase flattery from the high, he will continue to descend, till his means meet with a commodity suited to their extent.- -Mr. Coke spoke about the taxes which the land had to pay; the poor rates, the property tax. I have, in my last Register but one, shewn the decided advantage which the. land-owner has, with res pect to the property tax, over the annuitant, the life-holder, the merchant, the tradesman, the lawyer, the doctor, the parson, and every body else except the king, whose money in the funds the Whig ministry exempted from the operation of the property With regard to the poor rates, I have shewn that they fall, as they ought to fall, thing like a scarcity in the country, the 54every words of ministers that night 146 were calculated to spread an alarm and - add to the necessity.""LORD CASsf5. LEREAGH argued at considerable length, -deto prove that barley and oats were at effs present nearly double the price which bff, they were sold at in the years 1795 1.5 and 4800, in London, and in some parts tax. upon the consumers of the corn, and not upon the cultivator, any more than the paper tax falls upon the paper-makers, or than the stamp tax falls upon the. printers of newspapers. But, Mr. Coke went a little further; and counted amongst the hardships, which the cultivators of the land had to endure, the existence of tithes. To be sure this was paying the petitioning clergy in their own coin. I have perceived, that many of the clergy are amongst the advocates for high prices. At one of the meetings, a Reverend M Somebody was in the chair; and, it w.solved, of course, that the admission 6gar into the distilleries would lessen the value of tithes. But, here comes Mr. Coke and tells us, that the existence of tithes is itself one of the hardships upon the farmer; one of the checks to cultivation; one of the causes of scarcity; and, of course, one of the things to be got rid of as soon as possible. I should like to see this Reverend petitioner and Mr. Coke face to face, each with his manifesto in his hand. As to the " hardship' it wants no proving, that tithes are no inore a hardship than rent is; that the claim of the clergy to the tithes is as good as Mr. Coke's claim to his rent, and ot much greater antiquity; that neither the owner of the land nor the cultivator of the land has any just complaint upon this score; and that, as to tithes being a check to cultivation, they have existed for a thousand years, and Mr. Young and Mr. Wakefield have amply proved, that for many years, at no very remote period, England was constantly aut exporting country. Tithes were no check to cultivation then, and why should they be so considered now? There have been, in all times, and under all our forms of religious worship, men who grudged to pay the parson, and these same men grudged, be assured, to pay the landlord, the only difference being that they found the hierarchy more easy to be defrauded than the 'Squirearchy. A robber seldom is so soon tempted to attack the strong as he is to attack the weak. This is the only reason that I can discover, why a clamour is not set up against rents as well as against tithes; and, this reason becomes conclusive, when we observe, which is universally the case, that where the tithes are impropriate, where they do not belong to the clergy, the collection of them excites no visible discontent. The grey coats pay to one another most cheerfully; but, the moment, the black coat puts in its claim, though the claim has no fair foundation except, in the black coat, a clamour is set up about hardship and oppression.." Country genteinen, indeed! Are these worthy of that honourable appellation, who join in this clamour; a clamour flying in the face of our most ancient laws and usages, and also in the face of reason and of justice? The tithes, generally speaking, were set apart by the ancient proprietors of the soil for the maintenance of an order of persons, whose lives should be devoted to the service of the whole of each parish, poor as well as rich. They do not belong to those who are now owners or renters of land. They belong to the whole parish, and are put into the hands of one person, that that person may be enabled to devote his time and talents to the teaching of the ignorant, and the comforting of the afflicted. This, then, is an establishment, which, one would think, "the country gentlemen" would vie with each other in cherishing; but, since these clubs of cultivators have been formed in the country, since this new and heretofore unthought of sect has arisen, it has become the fashion to regard as an evil every thing that appears to deduct from the immediate gains of the cultivator. Tithes have this appearance, indeed, to those only whose reasoning faculties are smothered by the little details of cultiva tion; but, such is the appearance to thent, and as their views are confined to the gains of the cultivator, they cry out, of course, against tithes. Mr. Coke will say, perhaps, that he does not wish to rob the church and the land-less of any portion of their patri mony. He would only commute the tithes. But, he would, doubtless, cause the cultivator to pay less on account of tithes, than he now pays; for, unless that were the effect, what sense is there in his complaint? And if that were the effect, the church and poor, let the manner be what it might, would experi ence a robbery.To a liberal mind, there appears, at the first blush, something so unnatural in this clamour, when coming from the mouths of gentlemen, that room is left for nothing but astonishment. A little reflection, however, shews us, that such persons, having their minds bent solely upon the profits immediately derivable from their lands, cannot bear the idea of a participator. They see clearly enough, that in all the profits of the farmer they share; but, they cannot so easily see, that they derive a benefit from the prosperity of the clergy, whom they look upon as joint landlords with themselves, and of whose partnership they are, in proportion to the value they set upon the concern, anxious to get rid. This anxiety has been fruitful in its invention of arguments; one of which is, that tithes are a discouragen.at to improves ments, and that, at any rte, new enck sures should, for a sonic years, at least, bờ 66 been listening to these complaints against tithes, it has often occurred to me to ask, how it happens, that the laws relating to manorial rights remain uncomplained of? Quit rents and fines and heriots are certainly as objectionable as tithes; they are frequently a real bar to improvement on the part of the immediate holder; and all the duties attached to these rights have, in reality, long ago ceased to be performed. But, these rights are, for the most part, rights of the 'Squirearchy; and, therefore, it is, that we hear no complaint against them.These remarks about tithes have, it is true, little to do with the question before us; but, I could not suffer the observation of Mr. Coke to pass unnoticed; and having shewn the groundlessness of his complaint upon this score, may be of service in inducing the reader to examine into the nature of his other complaints. The principle, upon which these agricultural mania men appear to proceed is this: that, as corn is the staff of life, they, who are engaged in the raising of corn, ought to be looked upon as the only part of the community entitled to the protection of the government. They are pleased, modest gentlemen, to regard the properties of the soil and of the climate, and even the blessings of Providence, as the production of their own personal merits. They tell us, that they "feed the nation;" and, really, they do seem to consider the rest of us in a light somewhat resembling that of their cattle. But, let them remem ber, that, if the land is exclusively theirs, the air is not, nor the sunshine, nor the rain; and, if they tell us, that the land is theirs, we can and ought to tell them, thar the air is ours, who are the decided majority: tithe free. For what? That the capital | prosper! And, abserve, this they tell us, may be brought from titheable lands, and too, almost in the same breath, that they applied to lands not titheable? In short, tell us, that there are more farmers than that the church and poor may be cheated, farms," and that, wherever there is land since they cannot yet be openly robbed. to be had, there is sure to be a press of caThe same argument applies to all improve-pital for its cultivation.When I have ments; and you see it frequently stated by writers of creditable talents, that it is unjust, that the clergy should come and take the tenth of what is produced by manure which the farmer has purchased just as if those who endowed the several churches with the tenth of the produce of their land; who left, or who sold, their land with that charge upon it; just as if the meaning of these persons was, that the parson's claim should be confined to the tenth of what the land would produce in its natural state! As if the tithe were not to be collected upon the capital of the farmer; and, as if the poor farmer, who is unable to manure his land, ought to pay, per acre, as much in tithe as the rich farmer, who is able to manure his land so as to make it produce five times as much! Is there any justice; is there any reason; is there any common sense in this? And, could notions so preposterous ever have been engendered but in minds absorbed in the contemplation of the means of insuring immediate and undivided gain? ---- I was vexed, though, I must confess, not much surprized, to perceive, that the observation of Mr. Coke, respecting tithes, escaped unnoticed in the house, where there were so many persons, whose duty it was to have noticed it; and who might have so triumphantly coupled this complaint with the others that he was making. For thousand years these tithes have been collected; it is allowed, by the agricultural clubbists themselves, that. during part of that time, the land of England has produced so abundantly as to enable the country largely to export corn; it is notorious, that, under the existence of these tithes, this nation has wonderfully flourished, and increased in power; that, from a mere nothing, from a mere island of savages (and she was little better at the time when tithes were first settled), she has become one of the most powerful and polished nations in the world, leaving all others far behind in the general prevalence of science, and, what is still more, in the wisdom of her civil institutions and in the morality of her people. And yet, we are now, all of a sudden, to be told, that we cannot prosper, unless tithes be abolished; a new sect of cultivators arise, and have the assurance to tell us, that, unless we do away the law of tithes, this most ancient law of English property, England can no longer a most -SIR JOHN SINCLAIR's speech affords another instance of the everlasting self-contradiction, into which the corn party fail. In answer to the argument, that the stoppage of importation night produce a scarcity, unless the distilleries were stopped, Sir John said: "that he hoped, that we might soon have an importation from "America, as we already might from our "own colonies in the North of America."* First, as to the facts. Mr. Arthur Young has said, in his letters to me, that, as to America, what she can supply us with is scarcely worth naming. And, where did Sir John learn, that "our own colonies in the North of America were capable of 46 shel edi. taral is doing any thing in this way?" Nova Scotia imports great part of its flour, Indian meal and corn, and even meat, from the United States. So does Newfoundland." New Brunswick cannot send us two ship load of flour in a year; and Canada not ten ship load. All our North American colonies put together are unable to supply themselves with a sufficiency of food. Their whole annual produce, leaving nothing for themselves, would not feed London. and Westminster for one day. But, now to the reasoning why, Sir John, do you hope that we shall soon have corn from America? And, what is the difference, Sir John, whether, we get corn from America or Sugar from the West Indies to supply the place of corn? I mean, Sir John, what is the difference to the English or Scotch corn-grower ? I am very much deceived, Sir John, if you, even with the aid of that magic straw-pen, which you sent to Lisle, for the purpose of signing the treaty that was about to be made between Eugland and France, could explain this difference to the satisfaction of any man of common sense. Do you hope for corn from America, because you know that it cannot come from thence? From America; from our own colonies in America; from any place but that which is ready to send us it! Mr. Wakefield very consistently says, that, if the West Indies could send us corn, he would not let it come; but, you, Sir John, insist, that the importation of sugar to supply the place of corn, would be injurious to the farmers, and yet you hope soon to see corn itself imported from America. MR. CURWEN said, that, if the war turned us from commerce to agriculture, it would be a great benefit to the country. Agreed; but, let the thing take place; and, in the meanwhile let us rejoice, that all the alarms of the agricultural clubs have ceased. Don't alarm the people, says Sir Henry Mildmay (who sent his tenants to the Winchester Ω 7th instant, that gentleman used the utmost? of his endeavours to alarm us; but, then his object was to obtain what he regarded as advantages to agriculture. The Baltic is shut up, America cannot supply us; the ministers may find corn in the moon, per. haps, but I know not where it is to come from in this lower world, we have 'till now imported to the amount of two millions sterling a year; one-seventh part of our food has come from abroad; make haste to do something to get more corn; the effect of a short crop or a week's mildew cannot be contemplated without terror; make haste, then, to get more corn; I do not know rery well what to recommend, but make laste, pass a general enclosure, bill, let us raise po tatoes, get substitutes, I am all in a sweat, taxes, poor-rates, tithes, it is for parliament to decide, but, for heaven's sake, let them dispatch!" Well, the ministers find out à substitute for 300,000 quarters of corn, at once. MR. Here is this substitute already in our hands; and now, behold this gentleman, who was in such a terrible taking to get sub stitutes; whose very soul was harrowed up at the thought of a short crop, or a week's mildew, knits me up his mouth, and says, that we do not want any substitutes; and that, though the last year's crop was a short one, corn is still too cheap to pay the farmet for growing it; and, so, hike the people in the Critic, they say one and all. MARRYATT gave the public, or me, at least, a piece of information, of which I was not in possession before. The West India colonies were, it is notorious, supplied with great part of their food from the United States of America. Upon the news of the embargo being laid in America, a deputation of the West India merchants waited upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer to ask if corn might be permitted to be sent from this country to the West Indiese No," was the answer. "We want all our corn at home, " and more too, seeing that the foreign corn meeting, though had the decency to keep" ports are closed."Well then," said the away himself), with a cry of scarcity. There is no signs of approaching scarcity, says Mr. Coke. The scarcity in the Highlands of Scotland (that plentiful country) W35 temporary, says Sir John Sinclair. There are plenty of potatoes in Ireland, says Jolin Newport. And, do pray observe, 3 that they all say, to a man, that the Sitting of the committee, in place of lowering The price of bitley, has raised the price Fra look at my o once more, and ask then, when we shall hope to see an 20W of Piese sucking contradictions? Var those jetters of Mr. Young, to which I so Feterred in my Register of the West Indians, let us bring our sugar here "to be distilled, and to save some of your "corn. Nay, we have got some sugar "here now, spoiling in your store-houses; let that be distilled in place of corn. Nothing could be more reasonable; and would not that minister have deserved a horsewhip, if not a halter, who should have turned a deaf ear to the application, for fear of offending the proprietors of the land? Are you afraid of scarcity, Mr Young the West Indies have now in the stores substitutes for 300,000 quarters of corn. Are you afraid of a ght, Mr. Young The West Indies have a demand for twice 900,000 1 66 quarters of corn. And yet, you will not let their sugar be distilled. Both ways, or either way, they are ready to accommodate yon; and yet you turn from them with disdain, though you are, at the same time, filled with apprehensions MR, CHUTE'S speech was a very wise one. He asserted, that the opposition to the measure was grounded on the clearest and most solid principles; but, he left those principles to. be stated and their solidity to be proved by others.There is one way, which strikes me here, of increasing the quantity of corn, without having recourse to the West Indies, and that is by cutting down the measure; but, I shall leave this method to be developed and explained by others,- -MR. FOSTER said, that, when there was a bad harvest, people were always ready to import, and thus keep down the price." If applicable. to any thing, this must have been in answer to some one who stated his apprehensions of scarcity; and, if so, it might have been put to Mr. Foster, whence, those people were now to import? Good Lord! when shall we hear an end of these arguments, or, rather, of these shifts and turns? - I have now done ith this debate, and should here put an end to my observations, for the present, had I not seen, from the debate of the 23rd instant (which ended with a division, in which the measure had a majority of 36 in its favour), that has, at last been made a party question.. "MR, PARHAM," in the debate here referred to, "observed, with surprize, that this was made a sort of "party question by gentlemen with whom he commonly acted. They seemed to think it would be of consequence for them to beat ministers, even in a question like this. But did they really suppose, that a failure in this measure would cause ministers to change their situations, or would enable them (the opposition) to change theirs? It unquestionably would have no such effect. They would, for "the moment, become the dupes of a set "of men who uniformly voted against them; who were then laughing in their sleeves at their credulity; and who the moment they had gained their end would skip over to the other side, and by their more than En sedulous and obsequious attendance on the will of ministers, during the remainvider of the session, would endeavour to atone for their desertion in this single instance, which was dictated solely by motives of self-interest. There was one -duthing however, connected with this subAject, to which he wished to call the atten155 tion of the house, and of his right hon. friend (Mr. Ponsonby). Last night he "8 "had received a letter, at least the letter, was addressed to him, in the same way as "it had been usual to send letters on par"liamentary business, conceived in different "shades of earnestness, according to the gency of the subject. In this letter his attendance was particularly and earnestly "requested in the house of commons this day, when the sugar business would come forward; and an early division take place." "He mentioned this circumstance, conscious as he was that the letter was in the same. hand-writing as usual, that his right hon. "friend might have an opportunity of explaining the matter. If any person had "presumed to practice an imposture, and to hold out the recommendation of a "particular measure, where no such re"commendation was intended, he consi"dered it to be a most unwarrantable and unjustifiable act."The effect would be precisely that which Mr. Barhain describes; and, besides, the outs, from this endeavour to take advantage of the division, amongst their opponents, would, if the measure were rejected, incur the general hatred of the country, in a greater degree than that in which it is now felt towards them; for, whatever the few may say, whatever clamour they have been able to raise, the country in general is for the measure, and the prevalent opinion is, that the opposition of the land owners arises solely from a desire to keep up the price of corn, and, of course to keep up their rents; for, I'll warrant them not to join in the farmers' toast! -I cer " op: Cheap land and dear corn."tainly do not recollect an opposition so ma nifestly founded in self-interest as this position has been. The outs know well, that, for the votes they have gained upon this occasion, they have to thank mere sel fishness; and yet their miserable partizans of the press are endeavouring to give to the thing an air of party triumph.MR, PERCEVAL said, in the debate last referred to, that "he was much surprized to find the mea was sure so strenuously opposed by some gen"tlemen, who, even during the present "session, had applied to him under the "apprehensions of impending scarcity." Aye! but that application, I suppose,, accompanied with some agricultural propos sition. They wanted to terrify him into general inclosure bill, a commutation of nithes, or some such fancied good to the in-thes, owners and cultivators of the land. When they found, that the ministry were to be scared into nothing of this sort, their alarm ing efforts ceased; and when they found, that a remedy other than, that which they would have proposed, had been discovered, |