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the king is not insensible to the advantages | of the pacification of the Baltic, It is possible that England might consent to the neutrali ty of that sea; that she might promise not to send thither any ships of war, if the measure adopted against British commerce, throughqut almost all the coasts of the Baltic, did not provoke her armanients, or if new hostilities did not call on her to act as an auxili. aryThis is a point of view, at least, which appears to unite the commercial interests of the whole North; and which the court of St. Petersburgh will, perhaps, find sufficiently important to merit its particular attention. It is in these terms that the undersigned ambassador extraordinary of his majesty the king of Sweden has received orders to reply to the note which his excellency count Romanzoff has addressed, of the date 16-28 of November, and which he hastened to transmit to his court. He profits by this opportunity to renew to count Romanzoff the assurances of his high consideration.--St. Petersburgh, 9-21 Jan. 1808.

No. III. The emperor, justly indignant when he learned the violence which England had committed against the king of Demark, faithful to his own character, and in the spirit of that constant solicitude which he feels for the preservation of the interests of his empire, informed the king of Great Britain that he could not remain insensible to this outrage, this unexampled spoliation, which England has permitted herself against a hing, his relative, his friend, and the ancient ally of Russia (e)-His imperial majesty communicated this determination to the king of Sweden by a note, which was transmitted to his ambassador on the 24th of Sept, 1807.-A positive treaty, contracted in 1780, by the empress Catherine and the late king, Gustavus III, a second concluded in 1800 by the late emperor Paul and the king who reigns at present (f), contain

(e) These sentiments of his imperial majesty towards relatives, friends, and allies, seem for a moment cucouraging, as they are all titles applicable to the king only a few months ago, and which he has not since done any thing to forfeit.

(f) The sense of an article of a treaty has often been disputed, and its application contested; but never has a recent convention, formally concluded and ratified, been passed over in silence, to cite anterior engagements, evidently annulled by it, the cabinet of Petersburgh refers to the convention of 1780 and 1800, concluded against England, and is silent with respect to that of 1-801, concluded with her. The emperor returns ar

ed the reciprocal and formal engagement to maintain the principle, that the Baltic is á close sea," and to guarantee that sea and its

bitrarily to the engagements of his two predecessors, tacitly invalidating those which he has contracted himself. The state of war in which his imperial majesty finds himself with England, naturally brought with it the abolition of any existing convention with that power. Sweden was not at all concerned in this war, that which was stipulated in 1801, between her and Russia on the one side, and between her and England on the other, might and ought equally subsist su long as the king was at pace with both powers. By a simple decision, Russia might renounce the convention of 1801 with Sweden, for their very maritimé convention' was abolished, and things naturally returned to the state in which they were," previous to 1780, every one composing his system of neutrality according to his own principles of the law of nation's-By a double decision, at present Russia suppresses the convention last concluded, and re-establishes the two former, which are diametrically opposite to it, and finds a cause for war in the refusal of the king of Sweden to yield to this despo-" tism. But let us see in what manner Russia wishes to re-establish the armed neutrality, Pretending that Sweden ought to exclude from the Baltic even English merchant ships, she reproaches her with having wished that the ports of Germany should be open to English commerce. The following is the separate article I. of this famous convention, and let any one judge whether count Ro manzoff had read it "As his imperial

majesty of all the Russias, and his majes-. "ty the king of Sweden, are always equal"ly interested in watching over the, tran "quillity and safety of the Baltic sea, and protecting it from the troubles of war, and the cruisings of privateers; a system, "the more just and natural, as all the pow-., ers, the dominions of which surround it,


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enjoy a profound peace; they have mu-, "tually agreed to continue to maintain, "that it is a close sea, incontestibly such by "its local situation, in which all nations "may and ought to navigate in peace, and. "enjoy all the advantages of a perfect calm;, "and to take for that purpose all such mea"sures as may be proper to guarantee that

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sea and its coasts, from all hostilities, "piracies, and acts of violence. They wil likewise maintain the panquillity of the

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their as 4cumstances and the interest of their states shall render it necessary."

supreme law, not to leave any longer the co-operation of Sweden with Russia and Denmark against England an undecided question. The emperor being informed that the cabinet of St. James's, endeavouring to re attach Denmark to its system by fear, had threatened that the king of Sweden should send troops into Zealand, in return for which the possession of Norway should be ́ secured to him (m): the emperor learning, in like manner, that when the king left him without an answer, he was secretly treating for an alliance at London (n); his majesty found, that the interest of his empire would be very ill secured, if, when the struggle should commence between England and Russia, the king of Sweden, so near to his states, should veil for a time, under the appearance of a pretended neutrality, the sen timents of a known attachment to England." His imperial majesty could not leave in uncertainty the positions of Sweden with regard to Russia. He could not, by conse (g)-quence, admit his neutrality-The disposi tions of the king being ascertained, nothing remained for his imperial majesty but to have recourse, without delay, to all the means which Providence had confided to him (0) for the security of his empire; and of this he informs (p) the king, and all Europe.Acquitting himself thus of what the safety of his empire requires of him, the emperor is ready to convert the measures which he is about to take into a measure of prudence, if the king will join Russia and Denmark, in order to shut the Baltic against England till a maritime peace. He invites, for the last time, the king his brother-in-law, and with all the warmth of true friendship (q), no longer to hesitate to fulfil his engagements, and to adopt the only system which is adapt

coasts from all hostility, violence, and vexa-
tion, employing for this purpose all the
means which might be in their power. His
imperial majesty, considering these two trea-
ties, not only conceived himself entitled, but
thought he had a right, to claim the co-ope-
ration of Sweden against England.The
king did not deny the engagements which
have been referred to, but he refused all co-
operation so long as the French armies
should not be removed from the coasts of the
Baltic, and the German ports be shut against
British commerce. The object was to ex-
press the violence committed by England,
and which had irritated all Europe. The
emperor demanded of the king his co-opera-
tion, founded on these treaties, and that mo-
narch proposed to him, in answer, to defer
the execution of treaties to another period,
and to employ himself at present in procu-
ring to England the commerce of all the
ports in Germany; in one word, to serve
that same England, against whom the ques-
tion was to take measures of defence.
It is consequently difficult to prove more
fully the partiality of the king of Sweden
for the king of Great Britain than he has
himself established it. His imperial ma-
jesty caused a second note to be transmitted
on the 16th of November, by which, stat-
ing to the king that he was about to break
with England, he again claimed his co-ope-
ration. (h) This note remained nearly
two months without an answer, and that
which was given, and transmitted to the
ministers of his imperial majesty, on the
9th of this month, was similar to the pre-
ceding. (The emperor, far from
far from
repenting of his moderation, reflects
with pleasure, that he had hitherto em-
ployed all the means in his power in
endeavours to recal his Swedish majesty to
the only system which is suited to his states
(k); but, in fine, he owes to his people, to
the safety of his empire (1), which is his

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Cabinet of St. Petersburgh as warding off from the ports of Russia all danger from the English fleet, that it is not unreasonable to suppose that it was some other fear by which it was impelled, perhaps that of the entrance of a French army into Russia.

(m) False report of Mr. Rist; and Mr. Canning, who has a copy of the conference, will prove that it was Mr. Rist who asked whether Sweden was to co-operate, and who took silence for an affirmative.

(n) The king had no other than defensive connections, and they were innocent, except in the eyes of the aggressor.

(0) See the proclamations in Finland. (p) After the aggression.

(9) Troops having already entered, and proclamations been distributed in the coun try.

ed to the interests of the powers of the north. What, indeed, has Sweden gained since its monarch has adhered to the interests of Eng-it, laud-Nothing could aillict the empe ror of Russia so much as to see Sweden and Russia disunited; and it still depends on his Swedish majesty to take, but immediately, such a part as may preserve the two states in an intimate alliance, and in perfect harmony. (s)

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No. IV-Sir; I have punctually received the different dispatches you have addressed to me, as well by the post as by the Field-Jager Rattinsky, and latterly by the chamberlain, Cont de Pahlen. I render, Sir, all justice to your great activity and zeal for the service, and I shall do myself a real pleasure in appreciating them properly to the emperor. The rescript which you will find inclosed, and the insignia of the order of St. Vlodimir, which his imperial majesty has deigned to confer upon you, will prove to you, that he is perfectly satisfied with the manner in which you have served him. From the very sincere interest which 1 take in your concerns, I will also confide to you, that however brilliant the testimony of his favour, which the emperor has this day given to you, may be, his munificence to you will not be bounded by it. His majesty proposes also to add to your income, and I have reason to believe, that as soon as you arrive here you will obtain the rent of an estate (Arunda). The emperor has been verywell satisfied with the lists of the Swedish fleets, which you have sent nie, and I expect, with impatience, the accounts which you have promised me respecting the land forces and the interior of the country. At the present. moment, information of this kind is more necessary than ever, and you will yourself feel, Sir, what an important service you will render to his imperial majesty, in procuring the most exact accounts possible. If you should want proper opportunities for forwarding them, you will keep them by you, and bring them yourself, in case of your at any time quitting Sweden.-To judge from all, appearances, it seems difficult to avoid a most complete rupture with that power bat till that takes place, you will remain at your post, and continue the same line of con

(What has Russia gained since its monarch has adhered to the interests of France? What have Germany, Spain,, and Italy gained? What would then become of the libeity of the Fins and the diet of Abo, which have been already promised in the name of the emperor?

duct you have hitherto observed; but it i proper that, without affecting to prepare for

you should nevertheless hold yourself in readiness to depart the moment circumstan ces require it. In regard to the precautions necessary to be taken respecting your cy phers, and the archives of your mission, I cannot, without doubt, do better than trust to your own prudence. I shall not forward to Baron de Stedingk till some days after the departure of this courier; and as I directed you in my ostensible dispatch to communi cate this declaration to the Swedish minister, I think it necessary to warn you, Sir, not to take this step before you have sent off your courier to M. de Lisakenwitsch, with the packet inclosed, to his address; and I think it will be proper to tell this courier the time to quit the Swedish frontiers. It is, then, that you are to place the declaration in question in the hands of Ba ron De Chreuheim, and insist, with this minister, upon a definitive answer from the king, in order to send it us by the return of the same courier which I expedite, and which you will send back to me as soon as possible.-The experience of the past is a certain security to me, that, in the impertant commission with which you are at present charged, you will spare no pains to answer the confidence with which his majesty has so justly honoured you.-I have the honour to be,--COUNT NICHOLAS DE ROMANZOFF.-To M. d'Alopeus, Stockholm.

No. V.-SR-8ome persons think that Baron Armfeldt, little satisfied with the manner in which he is treated by the King of Sweden, may perhaps be disposed to quit entirely the court of Stockholm; as im reality he is not a Swede, but a native of Finland, he may perhaps be gained over, which, in the present situation of affairs, would be of great importance to us. On this account, before you quit Sweden, you will see the propriety of sounding the sentiments of M. Armfeldt.-If he should be inclined to be open with you, you will not neglect to discuss matters in detail; and, without entering into any positive obligation, you will confine yourself to the letting him see all the advantages which may most flatter his ambition. You will greatly oblige me, Sir, by immediately apprising me what may be the result of your proveeding on this subject (1). Knowing your experience in

(1) The whole of this is the excess < <f insolence. Baron d'Armfeldt may have been impatient of activity for a single moment, at a crisis so dangerous to his country. It is

business, (v) I need not observe to you how | majesty, and also the last note of the Swedish essential it is that this kind of negociation should be carried on in such a manner that you do not commit yourself, and in this I reckon entirely upon your prudence.-I have the honour to be, &C.-LE COMTE NICOLAS DE ROMANZOFF.- -St. Petersburg, Feb. 5, 1808.

ambassador. You will observe, on this occasion, to M. Le Count de Bernstorff, that the emperor will take every measure in his power eventually to defend Denmark and to serve her cause. His imperial majesty rests in the firm hope, that this monarch will, on his part, press the king of Sweden to unite with them, and if he will not, that he will take part openly against him; that he will pursue, with activity, the preparations for war, proceed without loss of time in all the measures necessary relative to it, and that he will cordially join all his efforts to those of Russia. (w)—I have the honour to be, The COUNT NICOLAS DE ROMANZOFF-St. Petersburg, Feb. 5, 1808.-To Mr. De Lisakewitsch, Copenhagen.

No. VI. SIR-I sent you, in due course, copies of the two notes which I caused to be transmitted on the 24th September, and 16th November, to the Swedish ainbassador, as well as his reply to the first. Herewith I transmit to you the one which he addressed Come on the 9th of January, also the second. You will see, Sir, that the contents of his note in no ways answers the immediate derands which our master has made to engage the king of Sweden to take measures in coramon with the three other northern powers, to defend the Baltic (u) against the attempts of England; his imperial majesty has therefore, determined to make a declaration, in order to assure himself of the real disposition of his neighbour, the king of Sweden; you will receive, herewith, a copy of this declaration; I will not send it to baron de Stedingk until some days after the departure of this courier. In the mean time I will confidentially make it known to M. Le Baron de Blome; you will also communicate it to the minister of his Danish


false that he has either been ill-treated or discontented. He is no subject of the king, since he is a native of Swedish Finland." What an inference, even before the war! "To gain him over will be an important acquisition: flatter his ambition"


(such is the language). You, Springporten, Knoring, Haselstrom-traitors of every description, now speak. Was it ever in the power of the emperor to alleviate your remorse by offices and emoluments? Could these protect you from the contempt and execration of every honest man, even in Russia itself?

(v) It is this very experience that justifies the measures of the king with regard to M. Alopeus.

(u) In all these places the guarantee of the Baltic has no sense, unless it means to secure Cronstadt and Revel from the fate of Copenhagen. Russia, the ally of England, is alone to have the privilege of summoning fleets into the Baltic, without a word being said of closing the passage; but no sooner does she quarrel with England, than she cries out for help to shut it.

LOCAL MILITIA. Abstract of Lord
Castlereagh's Local Militia Bill.
The 1st enacting clause, empowers his
Majesty to establish a local force for the de-
fence of the realm.

The 2d, enacts, that the number of men enrolled under the act, shall not exceed such number as will, including the effective Yeomanry and Volunteers amount. to times (six times was the amount suggested by Lord Castlereagh,) the Militia quotas of such counties.

The 3d, that the deficiencies in the effective Volunteers shall be supplied by the Militia under the act.

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Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Strech Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Miue, Pall M..

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"Were the countries, which have usually supplied us, in a state of independence and security, the prospect would be far from pleasing; but when we cast an anxious eye to the Baltic, the view becomes dreary "indeed. Who can contemplate the consequences of a short crop, a mildew, or a wet harvest without "horror?". -POLITICAL REGISTER.


SUMMARY OF POLITICS. CORN AGAINST SUGAR (continued from page 648).When I wrote the article, here referred to, which was on Wednesday last, I had not seen any of the advertisements, which I have since seen, for meetings in several of the counties to agree upon. petitions against the bill, which is about to be brought into parliament for the purpose of causing Sugar to be used in the distilleries instead of Corn. It was not till after my Register was gone to the press that I saw any of these advertisements; and, as I could easily perceive, that, against the effect of publications, flowing through so many channels, and at a rate so rapid, the Register would stand no chance of success, I thought it would be useful to write an address to the Freeholders of Hampshire upon the subject, which I did on Friday, and which address, as it applied to every part of the country, I caused to be inserted in as many newspapers as I could, giving it a fair chance against the advertisements and paragraphs, which those newspapers were circulating upon the other side of the question This Address I shall now insert here, and shall then submit to the reader such additional observations as appear to me likely to assist in the removing of that mist of error, whence the alarm of the land-owners and tithe-owners, and farmers seem to have proceeded.



"GENTLEMEN,-As one of yourselves, I take the liberty to address you upon the subject of a bill intended to be shortly brought before parliament, the object of which is, to cause SUGAR to be used in the Distilleries of England and Scotland, instead of the CORN which is now therein used.For many months past, gentlemen, there has existed a general alarm at the shutting of the foreign corn-ports. The argument has been this: we have long been in the habit of importing annually a large quantity of corn; this importation was necessary, otherwise it would not have been nade; and the enemy having succeeded in closing the ports of the

[674 Baltic against us, at the same time that the unjust and insolent demands of America leave us no ground whereon to depend upon a supply of corn from that country, it is evident, that, unless we can, in some way or other, add to the quantity of corn produced at home, we must, in proportion to the quantity of corn now imported, experience additional distress, if a year of scarcity should unhappily arrive. The truth of this conclusion every man admits, and the nation, with voice unanimous, exclaim, Let us, as we love our lives and hate the yoke of a conqueror, add to the quantity of the corn produced at home.--Now, gentlemen, one way of adding, in effect, to the quantity of any thing, is, to obtain some other thing capable of being made use of in its stead. Thus, if a man's turnips run short, he gives some cabbages to his cattle, and does thereby, in fact, add to his quantity of turnips. Upon this plain principle the king's ministers have the intention of bringing forward the bill above described; and, it must, I should think, be evident to every man, that, if we bring sugar from our colonies to supply the place of the corn now used in the distilleries, there will be in the country so much more corn to be used in the way of food, which is the very effect that we are all so anxious to see pro duced, and to produce which effect the situa tion of our colonies and our commerce is, at this moment, acknowledged, on all hands, to be peculiarly favourable.-Evident, however, as these truths.appear to me, and, as I think they will appear to you, a great clamour has, by some of the land-owners and corn-dealers, been raised against the intended bill; the alarm of these gentlemen having, all of a sudden, changed its nature; from a dread of a scarcity of corn, they have, in the twinkling of an eye, fallen into a dread of too great a plenty of corn; and some of them assert, that, if the intended bill should become a law, the farmers will become bankrupts, because, having lost one of the markets for their corn, their corn will fall in price, and they will not be able to pay their rents. Gentlemen, any thing more groundless than this alarm, more unsound Y

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