century this barthen has more than quintu- | pled. As to taxes, that on horses employed in agriculture, is a direct tax upon the farmer, and upon him only; and as the income tax is now levied, that also is a direct tax upon him; for it is not a rate upon his income, but bears a fixed proportion to his rental, whether he gains or loses by his farm. Yet this is called a tax upon his income? The mercantile interest take better care of themselves, they have their averages and their allowances for bad debts, not so with the farmer, he has no allowances for kad seasons, no average is allowed him for variation of profit, from the fluctuation of price. Hence it appears to me, that it is but 100 certain the employment of capital and enterprise in farming, pays an infinitely less profit than their employment in any other pursuit or undertaking whatever. It remains then, to consider the best means of adding to the profits of the farmer, and thus by the certain, though gradual operation of the principle of self interest, to prompt him to a more perfect and extended cultivation. Tythes have often been urged as damping the ardour of farming enterprise, but some facts are on record, which warrant the conclusion, that at the most tythes have but a feeble and partial operation, they have been gathered in every period of our agricultural history during which a long course of farmiing prosperity has enriched the nation; and wherever a supposed cause has equally existed in two periods, the one prosperous, and the other calamitous, it does not seem the soundest reasoning to recur to it as the source of the change. 'I therefore, feel inclined to dismiss tythe from my consideration of the subject, as it tends to draw away the mind from that great and efficient cause, to which only the alteration can with any truth be attributed. I have already alluded to the poor rates and taxes, and concerning them I shail merely observe in addition, that their injurious operation has been within these thirty or forty years, for during the existence of the revolution corn laws, the poor rates scarcely doubled; but during the modern period, they have more than trebled, and the taxes I have named have been imposed within the last fifteen years. Inclosures merit particular consideration, if they should be forced upon the farmer, it will augment the evil of which I am complaining; but if only encouraged by means of facilitating the obtainment of inclosure bills, the bringing the waste lands into cultivation will not proceed faster than the joint prosperity of the farmer, and the country will warrant. Inclosures, however will: rather be the effect of such



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prosperity, than its positive parent, though afterwards they will have the effect of upholding and perpetuating it. I shall, therefore, postpone the further observations I propose to offer you upon them, until I have fully considered the difference between the revolution corn laws, and those of 1773 and 1791. In doing which I shall endeavour to convince you, that to this difference, and to this almost alone, should be attributed the danger to which the country is exposed, by not producing provisions equal to its con sumption; but to avoid trespassing, too much upon the pages of your Register, I will defer this subject to my next letter And am, Sir, yours, &c.-EDWARD WAKE FIELD.Duke Street, Westminster, April 18, 1808.


SIR,I observed in your last Register, that you stated your objections to a general Enclosure Bill. It cannot but be admitted that the lands now enclosed might be culti vated so as to produce more than they now do. Farms might be better fenced, and better planted, and fallows altogether exploded. But, Mr. Cobbett, I beg you to consider that there are certain things necessary before a farm can be improved, viz. capital, knowledge, and industry. Numberless people now in possession of land, and likely to continue so, have not even one of these requi sites. If an Enclosure Bill was passed, I presume that many master manufacturers, and those who have hitherto employed their capitals in foreign commerce, would turn their attention to the cultivation of land, which would surely be more beneficial to the country, than were they to live in idleness upon the interest of their money. It need not be said that they have not a sufficient knowledge of agriculture, as with the assistances now to be obtained, a man with capital and industry may soon become a tolerable good farmer But, Sir, if the legis lature was to go no farther, than to pass an act to enclose open field lands, what an im mense difference this would soon make in the food and other articles brought to market; for these lands are from necessity eultivated in the very worst way. I ought to leave the discussion of this important subject to more able writers, I trust that. Mr. Arthur Young and others will not let the matter rest. But I cannot help making one or two more remarks. You ask, "would a general enclosure cause more persons to be born and raised up?" Without doubt it would; but the tilling of more land would shortly create great abundance, and years would

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elapse before the population could advance so as to occasion distress, from numbers bearing hard upon the necessaries of life. You also say, "that it would cause no increase in the quantity of food raised." I cannot think you will continue to hold this opinion, when you consider that the lands now waste, by good management, would yield in the course of a few years, acre for acre nearly as much as the best lands in the country. Before you make up your mind completely upon this subject, I recommend it to you, Sir, to take a tour amongst the Mendip hills in Somersetshire, where I doubt not, if you inquire as to the state of that county previous to its enclosure, you will be satisfied of the advantages to be derived from the culture of wastes. But not to take up more of your time, I shall only add, that were a General Enclosure Bill to be passed, little advantage I think would accrue from the division of wastes into small portions; but, on the other hand, if divided into farms of from one to three hundred acres, the benefit to the nation would be beyond all calculation.I am, Sir, &c.M. H.-March 14, 1808.


SIR,However I may differ from you on certain political measures, I have ever considered you, as a true champion for the just rights and liberties of the people; and, under this impression, venture to offer you my sentiments, on the intention of ministers to comprehend in the list of game, woodcocks and snipes As a measure of revenue, it appears to me extremely absurd; for, as both woodcocks and snipes, are birds difficult to shoot, it cannot be supposed that a qualified person, who is a good shot, would restrict himself solely to those birds, when by taking a licence, he would have a much greater scope of amusement; and might easily repay himself the expence of it, by killing other game. As a proof of this, I know several gentlemen in my neighbourhood, whose servants in the space of one month, sell more hare skins alone, than would pay for a ficence-Was this boasted country (always depicted as overflowing with resources) in so desperate a situation, as to require the paltry augmentation which this measure could effect; would it not be better, to allow unqualified persons the liberty they have hitherto enjoyed, on paying a certain annual sum for this permission; say 2s. 6d. or even 5s. per annum; that this tax would be more productive, there cannot be a doubt; and it would also give more general satisfaction; the penalties for killing game would remain

in full force, and those found trespassinį against them, could be equally punished The markets would as usual be supplied with those birds, so that those persons, who had not leisure, or skill to procure them, might occasionally enjoy little dainties. But, i nów appears, Mr. Cobbett, that such delicate morsels are not fitting for the middle and lower classes of Englishmen; yet those are the people who are to fight our battles; those are the people, who ground almost to dust by the tax gatherer, are called on in the same breath, to relinquish one of their few and innocent amusements, and to shed their last drop of blood in preserving inviolate, our free and most excellent constitution. It may be asserted, that many persons under pretence of shooting these birds destroy other game; and, it is therefore, necessary to put a stop to such practice by, the law in ques tion. To such persons I beg to answer, that in spite of this intended regulation, an upqualified free Englishman, will still be permitted to shoot sparrows; nay, more, ducks, &c. Therefore the same pretence will exist in full vigour, notwithstanding this new act of the legislature.-Where then, Mr. Cobbett, are we to look for the reasons of its adoption. Is it that our nobility, and rich commoners, are alone worthy of slaying and eating woodcocks and snipes; is it that at a late route of my Lady Pentweazles, there was a deficiency of those delicacies. Or, is it intended as a measure to reimburse the Treasury, for the grant so lately bestowed on the family of poor Lord Lake?--Not being an adept in the learned languages, many of your learned readers, may doubtless, criticise the subject, language, and style of this letter; should you, Sir, however, think it intelligible to the plainer part of your readers, and not altogether unworthy of your notice; you will oblige me by inserting it in your valuable Register.-I am, Sir, &c.-AN ENEMY TO OPPRESSION.


SIRI beg leave to return you my sincere thanks for the very great pleasure I have often received from the reading your useful and entertaining paper, of which I am a pretty constant reader, and, in general, an admirer. I confess, that, esteeming you a man of great penetration and sound judgment, I felt some apprehension for the fate of my dear country, from your statement of its situation and circumstances; but, I am happy to inform you, my fears and apprehensions are all entirely done away by the circumstance of the chancellor of the exchequer having just now brought in a bill

to prevent the shooting of woodcocks and snipes as game. If some little Nimrod of a lordship had brought in such a bill at this time, it might have lessened my fears, but would not have removed them, but, when I see one so high in office amusing himself in a thing of such very little consequence, I feel perfectly at ease as to any danger of an -invasion. Mr. Cobbett, I am not ambitious of appearing in print, and yet I could wish this letter to be published, to convince this upstart, self-created emperor, with what contempt we look upon his menaces; and that, whilst he is threatening us with invasion, - subjugation, and all the horrors of extermination, we are smilingly contemplating the additional pleasure our sportsmen will enjoy in the next shooting season.-As I am not a man of learning, perhaps I may not know. the true meaning of the word " patriot : if I do, I can, with great truth, subscribe myself A TRUE PATRIOT.




SWEDEN Answer of Sweden to the Danish Declaration of War. Dated Stockholm, March 21, 1808,

profound silence relative to the events which passed in his vicinity last autumn, leaving to England and futurity to justify them. It is due to truth, however, to declare, that the court of London did not invite Sweden to take part in this expedition, nor confided it to her till the moment of its being carried into execution. Therefore, not the least movement was made in Sweden on this ac casion. The English fleet arrived and departed without entering into any port of Sweden, and the auxiliary troops, embarked in Pomerania, were restored in virtue of a separate article in the "convention concluded at London, relative to this object, on the 17th of June, 1807, when certainly there was as yet no reference to this expedition. The following is the article. It is fully


The court of Denmark had made an alliance with France, was prepared to receive French troops in its country, collected transport vessels in its port, fitted out all its ships in the road of Copenhagen, to cover a French expedition against Sweden, and then issued a declaration of war. Denmark accused Sweden of being the cause of this rupture, because she did not make her compliments of condolence on the loss of her fleet, because she would not co-operate to avenge that bumiliation, and especially because she sought aid from England against such an aggression. The relations of the king with his neighbouring power were those of a simple peace. There was neither alliance, nor any convention whatever which traced out for the two courts any common course for their political conduct, therefore when Sweden, Russia, and Prussia fought in conjunction against France, Denmark, under the shade of her neutrality, appeared the friend of all. The king witnessing this system, and convinced by some explanations, demanded in the course of the year 1806, of the impossibility of obtaining a change favourable to Sweden, could not entertain a hope that the naval force of Denmark could ever be useful to him; on the contrary, after the peace of Tilsit, be bad every reason to fear that, by the suggestions of Russia and France, it might be one day turned against him. His majesty, therefore, though, it proper to observe a

understood, that, in case that unforeseen "circumstances should render impracticable "the object of this convention, or that his "Britannic majesty should find it necessary " to withdraw the said troops (the German


legion) from Swedish Pomerania, the stipulation of this convention shall in no "manner prevent his Britannic majesty

from giving such orders as he may judge proper with respect to the ulterior dispo"sition of these troops which are now placed under the orders of his Swedish majesty."The court of London has since fully justified this enterprize, and the experience of every day justifies it. Numerous French armies remained in lower Saxo ny and over-awed the north. There were still nations to subjugate, ports to shut, and forces to direct against England. They were to penetrate at any rate: they would have acted in any case and under any pretence that might have offered. At present it is the expedition against the Danish fleet which is the rallying word of the whole league. What is remarkable is, that the Danish government, already beset by French troops, overpowered, impelled, and even paid by France, issnes a declaration of war against Sweden, without daring eren to name the power which forces it to act. It seeks with embarrassment grievances and reasons to appear to have had in this determination a will of its own. It cites the remonstrances of Sweden against the arrest of the Swedish mails as vexatious, while in its severity against English correspondence, it would not suffer it to pass according to treaty, and declares that it is imperiously obliged to take these measures. It pretends to know the thoughts of the king, and imagines them hostile, though for some months it had concerted an aggression upon Sweden. It pretends to reason on the in



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terests of the country, though it has abandoned its own interests, and even its existence, to a foreign influence. In fine, it reproaches Sweden with having provided for her defence by a subsidiary treaty, though itself is paid for an aggression; and then it pronounces, though indeed with a kind of timidity, the word, mercenary, which the government that pays it had probably dictated to it. It is proposed here to render to his Britannic majesty the most authentic solemn testimony, that in all his transactions with Sweden he never demanded offensive measures; nor required any thing that was not perfectly compatible with its tranquillity and independence. The most convincing proof of this is the promptitude with which his ministry acceded to the proposition of the king for the pacification of the Baltic, by a formal promise not to send thither any ships of war, but on conditions useful and honourable to all the north. Let the Danish government read in this proposition the coinplete refutation of the complaints of which the manifesto against Sweden is composed; and in the moments when it shall return itself, let it compare the state of things which the king has desired with that which France and Russia wish. Let all the allies of France read in this consent of England the difference between the connections which unite the two courts and those which enchain them, and let them pronounce on which side is to be found a due regard for particular interests, and a just moderation for the general good Denmark herself has been, during a long time, the object of this moderation, and did not cease to be so till she became absolutely dangerous. When the north was outraged by the devastation of lower Saxony, the oppression of the Hanseatic towns, what did she to avenge them? Sweden, England, and Russia made war for this object; but no one thought of forcing Denmark to take part in it. She was the ally of Russia, them, as well as at present; why did she not embrace her cause? What could she then allege for her tranquillity that Sweden cannot now allege? All this is explained by the single fact which she endeavours to conceal that she is at present under the influence of the French government. Had England followed the principles of this enemy, she would not have waited the moment of her surrender to disarm her, she would' have invaded her several years before; she "would have guarded her, and all this with a view to the good of the north.-Her ancient alliance with Russia is made a pretext for shis aggression, though all the world knows that it is merely defensive, and that it re

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mained suspended during the late wars wit Russia, when perhaps that power migh have claimed it. The court of Denmark in order to justify its proceedings, hesitate not to make all kinds of assertions; dare to defend the injustice of Russia, and be trays a premeditated plot; and all this it doe to concel the chief, nay, only reason, which is that Denmark is the ally of France.But injustice and falsehood find their end honour and truth will triumph in their turn His majesty, relying on the justice of hi cause, hopes, with conscious pride of reign ing over a brave and loyal people, so ofter tried by dangers, and held up by the Almighty, that the same Providence will vouchsafe to bless his army, and restore to his subjects a safe and honourable peace, to the confusion of his enemies.

RUSSIA AND SWEDEN.Intercepted Correspondence, found upon the Person of the Russian Courier.

The irruption of the Russian troops into Finland, and the incendiary proclamation= circulated in the province, were already known to the king, though the minister of Russia, M. Alopeus, had not yet made any communication that could pave the way for such intelligence, and no couriers nor dispatches from the Swedish ambassador at Petersburgh had arrived since those events.Considering, therefore, that minister as deprived of his public quality by the insidious aggression of his court, as a dangerous enemy, by the revolutionary principles with which that aggression was accompanied, and as a hostage for the ambassador, whose liberty had in all probability been violated, his majesty ordered, on the 2d of March, that a military guard should be stationed with M. Alopeus. This measure, which, in every other circumstance, would have been extremely repugnant to the king, has been fully justified by the event: a courier for Petersburgh arrived at Scyneldskar on the 22d, and set out on the 28th of February by Tornea, for Stockholm, having been arrested on the 7th of March, a mile from Harnosand, with the following dispatches:

No. 1.-Sir; the baron de Stedingk has transmitted to me, on the 9th of Jan, an official note (of which I herewith send you a copy), in answer to mine of the 16th of Nov. Its contents not being more satisfactory than the preceding official communication of that ambassador, with respect to what an august master expected, (a) nothing more

(a) To what his imperial majesty had demanded-YesThe pacification of the Bal

to be hoped from prolonging, in circum- | No. II.-Copy of a Note from the Swedish

Ambassador, Baron Stedingk, to the Mi-
nister, Count de Romanzoff, dated 9th
(21st) of Jan. 1908.


ces so pressing (b), a correspondence ch has already lasted more than four ths, and produced no result; the empe has resolved to issue the declaration ch you will find herewith, in order to rtain definitively the resolutions of the t of Stockholm. Though I shall transthis declaration to baron Stedingk, the peror directs you, Sir, to communicate it the ministry of his Swedish majesty. will observe to them on this occasion, it still depends on the king to preserve -d harmony between the two States (c). that the most essential interests of Rusdo not allow his imperial majesty to ad, in the present situation of affairs, the st doubt of the disposition of Sweden with gard to Russia (d).-I have the honour to - &c.-COUNT NICOLAS DE ROMANZOFF. Petersburg, Feb. 5, (17) 1808. To Mr. Alopeus.

The king having already communicated to the Court of St. Petersburgh, in answer to the Note of the 24th Sept. (Oct. 6,) his opinion on the present position of the North, and the difficulty of applying it to the engagements of 1780, his majesty had some hope of gaining the assent of his imperial majesty, to the evidence of these statements. The slightest glance at the circumstances of that time and these of the present, seem sufficient to shew their immense disparity; and the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh ought not to besitate more than any other to pronounce on which side was the preponderance at that time, and on which side it is at present.Russia, the principal support of the convenabolish it in tion of 1780, was the first 1803. If it was at her invitation that Sweden acceded to the new system, under her auspices she was then reconciled to England; she, however, contracted direct engagements with that power, which, according to the rules of public morality, she thinks herself obliged to observe, while the other contracting party shall not infringe the engagement on its part.-The armed neutrality of 1780 heing once abandoned, the shutting of the Baltic Sea, founded in the concert and common armaments which it stipulated, appear ed the less to regard Sweden, as since the time of the last convention, there has existed in this respect neither concert nor even unity of principles, among the powers on the shore of this sea. And this shutting, which, at the time of the declaration, signified properly the defence of the Sound, is at present become much more difficult to be executed, since the English have found the passage of the Great Belt very practicable for ships of war, and still more since the Danish marine, no longer exists. In general, a change in the principles of neutrality adopted in the last instance, would not only be contrary to the subsisting engagements of the king, guacharac-ranteed by Russia herself. It would proba producing any bly be of no effect by not pro change in the principles of England during, the war; it could only tend to occasion a rupture between the two states, uselėss to, the ally of Russia, hurtful perhaps to her self, and certainly ruinous to Sweden. with this attachment to his engagements,




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sea; but to what he expected perhaps 0.-If he expected from Sweden what he d himself granted to France, the sacrifice his interests and his independence. () The fear of the English must have -ea very pressing; notwithstanding an exaordinary delay of the English mails, the swer of England arrived at Stockholm on ne 16th of March, still a long time before maritime expedition in the Gulf of Finand was physically possible. The court of weden acceded to the proposition, consentd not to disturb the tranquility of the Baltic, Sweden were left at peace. Thus, there might still exist in the world a peaceful and appy corner: Russia would not permit it. t remains to be seen, whether her insidious nvasions of Finland will protect her coasts rom the English fleets,

(The Russian army must have entered Finland before the declaration could have Deen delivered, much more before the arrival of an answer. Yet have they still the impudence to talk of good harmony, What was expected from the king was in fact so illegal, so humiliating, that whoever knew the ter of his majesty, could never expect that The would comply willingly. The prince Royal of Denmark has been highly extolled for having refused to treat with England, after hostilities; yet has this been proposed to the king. Contradictions, absurdities, and falsehood, are the ordinary attendants of in-justice.



(d) There was already no doubt of the disposition of the king. Every thing was on the footing of peace till the 2d February, when the king sent for M, Alopeus to ask



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him what was intended by the armaments of Russia on the frontiers? And informed him that he was obliged to place himself in a state of defence on his side.

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