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of such a declaration; and when he was at length closely pressed, his Majesty gave an answer oblique, equivocal, and insulting. Nevertheless, as this answer appeared in some measure to give the lie to the govern ment of England, the government of Denmark was contented with it for the moment, and thought it becoming to dissimulate its just resentments against Sweden, in the hope that, enlightened concerning her true interests, and reflecting on the consequences of her resolutions, she would at last end by yielding to the representations which the court of St. Petersburgh had made, with as much tenderness as patience, in order to engage her to renounce her alliance with Great Britain, evidently become incompatible with the tranquillity of the North, and especially with the security of Denmark. The Danish government is but imperfectly acquainted with the nature and extent of the engagements which Sweden has entered into with England; whatever may be the object of them, and whatever their tendency, no one can better conceive or appreciate than itself the repugnance which his Swedish Majesty would feel in failing in any of the obligations he had contracted. But the Cabinet of Copenhagen is not uninformed that the Swedish government itself has admitted, that the term of its engagements recently expired; and after the Cabinet of St. James's had unmasked itself in the face of all Europe, it would have been insulting the Court. of Stockholm to suppose that it would dare to concur in an attack upon the first bases of the security, prosperity, and dignity of the Powers of the North. These considerations could not be balanced by the trifling advantage of subsidies, with which the Cabinet of London shews itself ready at all times to purchase its allies, and whom it pretends to have then the right of treating as mercenaries.The resolutions of the King of Sweden having, however, frustrated the last hopes of his neighbours, the Government of Denmark could no longer hesitate, on its part, to take those measures which its security, the general interest of the North, its attachment to Russia, and the nature of its engagements with that power, imperiously prescribe to it. At a moment when Zea land is threatened anew by the forces of England, to which the ports of Sweden serve as a point of re-union; when the enemy of the North has just assured himself of the dependence of the Court of Stockholm upon him for fresh pecuniary assistance; when the public declarations of the English Ministry sufficiently unfold the nature of the engagements still subsisting or renewed be

tween the two allies, the Danish Government deems it right to prefer a state of open hostility to precarious and equivocal relations towards an enemy whose disposition is become more and more suspicious, and who, during a long period, could be considered only as a disguised enemy. His Majesty the King of Denmark declares consequently,, that he adopts altogether the resolutions of Russia in respect to Sweden, and that he will not separate his cause from that of the Emperor Alexander, his august and faithful ally.

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PRUSSIA.

Declaration of the King of Prussia against Sweden, dated Konigsberg, March 6, 1808.

His Majesty the King of Prussia, our most gracious sovereign, has been solicited by both imperial courts of Paris and St. Petersburgh, consistently with the system of the other powers of the Continent, and the declaration against Eugland, to extend the same measures against Sweden, which have been taken against England, on ac count of her fresh alliance with that power, In imitation of the declaration issued by the Emperor of Russia on the 10th (22) of February. In this year, his majesty has accordingly broken off all relations with Sweden, and commands all in office under him, under the penalty of severe punishment, to restrain from all community or intercourse whatever with Sweden. In pursuance of this, from the present moment, and till farther orders, all Prussian barbours shall be utterly closed against Swedish vessels; Prus sian vessels shall no longer be sent into Sweden, neither shall Swedish or neutral ships; or wares which came from Sweden, be ad mitted into Prussian harbours. +

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said charges, with the exception of that part of the second charge which relates “to the order that the columns should be

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unloaded, and that no firing should be "permitted on any acebunt."The court are anxious that it may be distinctly understood, that they attach no censure whatever to the precautions taken to prevent unnecessary firing daring the advance of the troops to the proposed points of attack, and do therefote acquit lieutenant-general Whitelock of that part of the said charge The court adjudge, that the said lieutenant-general "Whitelocke be cashiered, and declared totally unfit and unworthy to serve his Majesty in any military capa ty what

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The king has been pleased to confirm the above sentence, and his Royal Highness the commander in chief has received his Majesty's command to direct, that it shall be read at the head of every regiment in his service, and inserted in all regimental orderly books, with a view of its becoming a lasting memorial of the fatal consequences to which officers expose themselves, who, in the discharge of the important duties confided to them, are deficient in that zeal, judgment, and personal exertion, which their Sovereign, and their country, have a right to expect from cfficers intrusted with high commands. To his Majesty, who has ever taken a most lively interest in the welfare, the honour, and reputation of his troops, the recent failure of south America, has proved a subject of the most heartfelt regret; but it has been a great consolation to him, and his Majesty has commanded it to be intimated to the army, that after the most minute investigation, his Majesty finds ample cause for gratification in the intrepi dity and good conduct displayed by his troops, lately employed on that service, and particularly by those divisions of the army, which were personally engaged with the enemy in the town of Buenos Ayres, on the 5th of July, 1807; and his Majesty entertains no doubt, that had the exertions of bis troops in South America been directed by the same skill and energy, which have so eminently distinguished his commanders. in other quarters of the world, the result of the campaign would have proved equally glorious to themselves and beneficial to their country. By command of his Royal Highness the commander in chief.--HARRY CALVERT — Major-Gen. and Adj. Gen. of the forces, bout

CITE OF LONDON,

Petition to the House of Commons, March 25th 1808. showeth, that your petitioners have, dur

ing a long course of public events, productive of so many calamities, patiently submitted to unexampled burthens, and are still ready to make such further sacrifices as maybe necessary for maintaining the honour and independence of the realm.-That these burthens have been considerably augmented by gross abuses in the management and expenditure of the public money, and by a profusion of sinecure places and pensions, which have not only greatly added to the sufferings of the people, but created a pernicious and dangerous influence, corrupting and undermining the pure and free principles of the British constitution.-That after the e ormous abuses brought to light by the varions commissions of inquiry, it is a matter of deep concern to your petitioners, that the offenders thereby discovered have not beea brought to justice, and those who so grossly misapplied the public money have hitherto escaped with impunity.-Your petitioners did therefore rely upon Parliament that speedy and effectual measures would have been adopted to reform such abuses, and detect and punish the offenders in future -That your petitioners viewed with much satisfaction the foundation of a committee of Finance and hailed the introduction into your hon. house of a bill to prevent the granting of places in reversion, as the first step towards these salutary reformations. They beheld with increased satisfaction the measures taken by your honourable house, both during the late and present sessions of parliament, a to carry the same into effect. That it was with grief and disappointment they observed the views and intentions of your hon house unhappily frustrated; and they have too much reason to apprehend, that the defeat: of this measure has arisen from the baneful and predominating influence, which such abuses must necessarily create, and which this bill was intended to correct.-That it appears to your petitioners at all times essential, that rigid economy should be observed in the expenditure of the public money, and thatno places or pensions should be bestowed but for real public services, more particularly so at the present moment, when it is declared," that this country is at the. very crisis of its fate," and the people are. called upon for such unexampled sacrifices: and exertions. They beg further to sug-a gest to your hon. house the serious conse quences likely to result, shovida disposition. be evinced by either branch of the legisla ture at a period so awful and momentous, not to participate with the people in their: dangers, sacrifices, and privations: They: therefore pray your bon. house, not

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to relax in your endeavours in carrying so necessary and beneficial a measure into effect, and causing inquiries to be made into the receipt, management and expenditure of the public money, adopting measures which may effectually guard against such abuses in future, and for abolishing all unnecessary places and pensions, as well in reversion as otherwise, as the best means of copsolidating the strength of the empire, and calling forth the united energies and exertions of the people, at a time so necessary for the safety and security of his Majesty's dominions.

Subjects, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London, in Common Council assembled, humbly approach the throne with renewed assurances of our unshaken attachment to your Majesty's sacred person and government.-Your Majes ty's faithful Citizens of London are truly sensible of the blessings which the people of this country enjoy in a peculiar manner, for whilst it has pleased the Almighty to permit the overthrow of many nations of Europe, we have the bappiness yet to possess unimpaired our glorious constitution, to be governed by the mildest and most benevolent of sovereigns, and to be protected by good and wholesome laws wisely administered. To obtain these blessings our forefathers freely shed their blood; they are placed in our hand as a precious pledge, and we fondly hope that our children's children will en

the same to the latest posterity.-We are not unmindful, Sire, that by the preponderating influence of the government of France, almost every state upon the Continent has been compelled to unite in forming one vast and gigantic confederacy, whose efforts are solely directed to bring destruction upon your Majesty's dominions. We view this combination without dread, firmly relying upon a continuance of the divine protec tion, upon union amongst all ranks of your people, the extinction of party spirit (most essentially necessary at this very important cri sis), upon the goodness of our cause, the valour and skill of your Majesty's fleets and armies, and on the vigour, firmness, and wisdom of your Majesty's councils. With these aids, we doubt not your Majesty will confound and defeat the designs of our inveterate enemy, and in due time be enabled to conclude a peace, at once honourable, secure, and lasting.

CITY OF LONDON.

-Petition to the House of Lords, March 25th 1808. Sheweth (after a repetition of the first five paragraphs in the Commons' petition), That it was with grief and disappointment that they observed the views and intentions of their Representative in parliament unhap-joy pily frustrated by your lordships' rejection of this necessary and salutary measure, depriving the people, while labouring under such accumulated difficulties, of all hope of seeing any progress made in such great and acknowledged evils.--That they beg most seriously to impress upon your right hon. house, at a time when it is declared, "that this country is at the crisis of its fate," and the united exertions of all ranks are ne cessary to resist the dangers with which they are assailed, a disposition in either branch of the legislature to withhold from the peple a redress of public greviances must be productive of most serious consequences, necessarily damp their ardour, and impede their exertions in the important struggle in which they are engaged.-They therefore pray your right hon. house to take these matters into eonsideration, and that your lordships will be pleased to adopt the speediest and most effectual measures for reforming all abuses in the receipt, management, and expenditure of the public money, and preventing such abuses in future, and for abolishing all unnecessary places and pensions as well In reversion as otherwise, as the best means of consolidating the strength of the Empire, and calling forth the united energies and exertions of the people, at a time so necessary for the safety and security of his Majesty's dominions.

CITY OF LONDON -Address to the King,
March 25th, 1808.

We

your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal

THE KING'S ANSWER.

I thank you for your very loyal and dutiful address. The assurances I receive from you of your unshaken attachment to my person and government, afford me the greatest satisfaction. The example you have given to all ranks and descriptions of my people of union and public spirit, at this important crisis, cannot but produce the most beneficial consequences, in enabling me to resist effec tually the powerful and extensive confede racy which the enemy has directed against my dominions, and ultimately to accomplish the great object of all my efforts—a secure and lasting peace,

--

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J, Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall Mall.

E

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 23, 1808.

[PRICE 100,

DET TREASURA

Nothing can be more mischievous to the community, generally speaking, than the turning of corn into spirituous liquors; and this evil would, at any rate, be lessened by the use of sugar instead of corn in the making of those liquors. Thus would our colonies be made to add to the quantity of food in the "mother country; and to see such a measure opposed upon the ground of its injuring the growers of corn would be scandalous indeed; would be a shocking disgrace to the heads as well as to the hearts of the country gentlemen." POLITICAL REGISTER, Vol. XI. p. 35.

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alarm has, all of a sudden, changed its nature; from an alarm at approaching scarcity of corn, it is become an alarm at approaching superabundance of corn!--Sir HENRY MILDMAY said, that "he thought it right. "to apprize the House, that the part of the

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report which went to prohibit the use of. grain in distillation, though sanctioned by "the opinions of a majority of the committee, had, by no means, its unanimous ap"probation. If any legislative measure "should be proposed on the report, tending <s I to carry that principle into effect, he gave "notice that he should feel it his duty to

oppose it. There was no sufficient public "ground for such a measure, and it would "be extremely injurious to the barley coun "ties, one of which he had the honour to

represent. He was confident that his "constituents would give him instructions "to oppose the proposition, and that they "would petition against the measure." MR. CHUTE, whom I have not heard before, since his election, "agreed with

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

CORN AGAINST SUGAR.In the month of December 1896 (see the Parliamentary Debates, Vol. VIII. page 237), a committee was appointed to consider of the possibility of introducing sugar and molasses into use, in the distilleries and breweries. I never heard of any report, that was made by that committee; but, as will appear from the report of the debate, upon that occasion, some persons expressed their apprehension, that the measure, if adopted, would prove greatly injurious to the growers of corn. was of a different opinion, and the reasons, upon which that difference was founded, were, at the time, stated in the Register of the 10th of January, 1897, Volume XI. p. 33, to which, as the means of sparing me some repetition, I beg leave to refer the reader. The same committee, or a renewed one, have now made their report. It was laid before the House of Commons, on the 13th of this month; and, as appears from the statements in the newspapers (for I have not yet seen the authentic papers of the House, whence every thing of this sort is taken for insertion in my Parliamentary Debates), they recommend the passing of an act to suspend, for one year, by way of ex periment, the use of corn in the distilleries, taking care, however, to authorize the Privy Council to take off the suspension, in case it should, upon trial, be found, that the measure produces a serious depression in the price of corn. I do not recollect any mea sure to have been met by so apparently determined an opposition as this; and, though I am not on the side of the opposers, it does, I must confess, give me some little relief from that disgust, which I have, of late, experienced, to perceive that this opposition has nothing to do with partyGreat and just alarm," the opposers say, has been excited through the country by the proposition to introduce sugar instead of corn into the distilleries; because.... because what? Because such a measure," will, produce a glut in the corn market." Thus, then, our

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the hon. baronet. The landed interest "was sufficiently depressed, and the influence of members whose consequence arose from trade was already sufficiently "great, without striking a general blow at an extensive branch of the agriculture of "the country. He should give his deter"mined opposition to the measure."Now, I should, if things were as they ought to be, call myself one of the constituents of Sir Henry Mildmay and Mr. Chute. I am, in fact, one of the persons, whom they are said more immediately to represent; and, as little things are great to little men, I ́dare say, that I feel as much anxiety for the pros perity of Hampshire as either of them; but, I can assure them, that they will receive no instructions from me to oppose the suggested measure, and will find me opposed to any petition, which the county may be stirred up. to prefer against it It is agreed, on alt hands, that the measure would be greatly beneficial to the West Indies, which are, at present, in a state of distress hardly to be X

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described. So far, therefore, if we think it wise to maintain the possession of those colonies, the measure is a good one. But, it is contended, that the measure would be injurious to the barley growers at home. Sop posing that to be true, it would then, with me, be a question of degree merely. I should inquire, whether the injury to the barley growers would be more or less than the re lief to the sugar growers; the latter being, in my opinion, full as much entitled to the protection of the government as the former. Yes, say the opposers of the measure, but there is this consideration; that the measure will not be injurious to the barley growers only, it will be injurious to the whole nation by discouraging the growth of corn. Make this out, gentlemen, and I am with you; but, at present, I am, for the reasons which I will now endeavour to submit to the reader, with brevity and clearness, of a different opinion. After having heard, from all quarters, so much anxiety expressed, lest, from the shutting of the ports of the continent and of America against us, we should experience the horrors to be expected from a scarcity of corn; after having seen the pains taken by Mr. Young and Mr. Wakefield to impress us with a just idea of the magnitude of our annual importation of corn; it must, I think, appear to the reader to be a strange proposition, that danger of scarcity will arise from a want of a market for what we ourselves grow in this country. But, let us hear the arguments of Mr. Wakefield. He disapproves (see last Number, pages 605 to 608), of any legislative measure that would deprive the farmer of such markets as the distilleries; he says, that this discouragement will produce a fear of bad prices, and inadequate returns for labour and capital; that this fear once excited in the mind of the farmer, he will relax in his exertions to raise corn. He further says, that the distilleries, by causing more corn to be raised than is necessary for feeding the nation, enable us, in a season of scarcity, to take this superabundance and apply it to feeding purposes, and that, therefore, the distilleries operate as a national grainery.There is something very plausible in this argument; but, i think, that, upon examination, it will appear to be more specious than solid; for, what does it mean but simply this: that, in order to induce the farmers of a nation, to grow more corn than is, upon an average, necessary for the consumption of the nation, a part of what they grow must be annually bought of them for the purpose of being thrown eway; for the purpose of being gotten rid of without becoming human food, or suste

nance? I shall be told, perhaps, that, used in the distilleries, corn does become human sus tenance; for that, though it comes out in the shape of spirituous liquors, and, there→ fore, cannot very well be called food, yet that it causes less beer to be drunk and less food to be eaten, than would be drunk and eater, if there were no spirituous liquors... I do not know, that my opponents will make use of this argument; but, if they should, it will be a very good answer to themselves; for, if the use of spirituous liquors produce a saving of beer and food, then the disuse of those liquors will produce an additional demand for corn, in the shape of beer and bread; and, if the use of spirituous liquors produce no such saving, we come back to my proposition, namely, that the corn ussd in the distilleries is, considered as human sustenance, thrown away; and, according to the idea of Mr. Wakefield, it is necessary for a ufation to raise a certain proportion of corn annually to be thrown away, in order to se cure the said nation from the horrid effects of casual scarcity. Used in the distilleries does corn become human sustenance? YES. Well then, the distilleries are no grainery, for, if you suspend them in a time of scarcity, the mouths that fed upon them must necessarily fall upon sustenance in some other shape. If the answer be NO; then is the corn used in distilleries thrown away, for, if you talk to me of the value which the farmer gets for it, I remind you, that that value must come out of the labour of those who consume the spirituous liquors. If the corn be thrown away, it is full as well to throw away sugar as corn; if spirituous liquors be human sustenance, then we draw it from our colonies in sugar: what is more, we can have it in times of scarcity as well as in times of plenty and the West Indies become an inexhaustible grainery. It appears to me to be impossible for the most ingenious reasoner to get clear of this dilemma.Before proceed any further, I will insert an article from the Morning Chroniele upon this, subject. Last night the Report was made "from the Committee to whom it was te "ferred to consider whether the distillery "should be prevented from using sgræð; "and, as we anticipated, they hare, given it

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as their opinions, that it would be advisa"ble to make the experiment of prohibiting the distillation of spirits from grain for

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one year. There was, however, it seems, a division in the Committee on this point, "and the Report itself made a sensible in"pression on the House; so that to emen,

either for or against the adoption of the measure, can be formed.We have

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