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thought, that no one at all conversant in the maritime affairs of the world, could have failed to perceive in this proclamation, an offer made to the American merchant ships to trade with the English West-Indies in spite of the embargo. Yet, I'll warrant you, that it never entered into the noddle of this gentleman, that the order to our commanders to dispense with the production of "regular "clearances and documents" could have any such meaning. A very poor noddle has be! The American ships (the only neutral ships now in the world) are, observe, all embargoed; that is to say, they lie in their ports under a positive law, forbidding them, under heavy penalties, to go thence to any other port or country in the world. To offer them a free passage, then, to the WestIndies, or to any other part, would have been a pure absurdity upon any other supposition than that of their setting the embargo law at defiance. The law permits them to go from one American port to another American port as often as they please; and, as I stated in my last Register, they had, in some cases, as was asserted in their newspapers, taken advantage of this exception to run off to Jamaica with a cargo. But, there was some danger in this, because, if met by any of our cruizers, they would be liable to be siezed, seeing that they could not possibly have any other than their coasting clearance on board. To secure them against this danger, the present proclamation provides, that, if they say that they are bound to our settlements in the West Indies, or South America, they shall not be interrupted, and that one of their papers shall be endorsed by the English commander who may visit them, specifying the alledged destination and also the place where visited by him. This secures their going to one of our settlements; because, if met again, and out of the track, they are siezed.

-Having thus invited them out to sea, and secured their arrival in our own colonies, the proclamation next provides for their having due encouragement to take away the produce of those colonies; and, for this purpose, allows them to go with such produce to any part of the world, except to a port blockaded by us. And this the noddle of the Morning Chronicle has conceived to be a "relaxation of the Orders in Council sys"tem, forced upon the ministers!" Let us try an instance in detail. JONATHAN SLYBOOTS lies with his brig, the Fair American," embargoed in the port of Boston. There are his brothers Ezra and 'Zekiel and Natty, and his cousins to the third genera tion, all his seninen; lounging about for want

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of employment. Sugar and Molasses and Rum are up to o double price, while lumber and fish and pork are sunk to half price." I vow," says Jonathan, ** I'll not

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'bide here." He buys a cargo of lumber and provisions, to the custom house he goes as bold as a lion, and there he demands and obtains a clearance for Norfolk or Wilming ton or Charlestown or Augusta. He is board at three strides, up goes the anchor, and off goes the Fair American Tor Jamaica, leaving the embargoed crews,' whose master has less enterprize than hers, to eat molasses and to drink rum at double price, while they themselves have no pay. She is met by one of our cruizers at sea; but, upon alledging that she is going to Jamaica, her papers are endorsed, and she is suffered to pass. Thus, our islands obtain provisions and lumber.Well now," says Jonathan, I vow, you, "Governor man, I don't like to go back just "yet. I'll go to those Frenchie's coun "try with a cargo of coffee. In he takes it, and away he goes to France. If he be met by one of our cruizers, be has the pass port of the Governor of Jamaica to show; if he be met by a French cruizer, I'll trust to Jonathan's ingenuity to convince him that he took in his cargo at Martinico; which inges nuity will also serve his turn when he comes into Bourdeaux or Havre-de-Grace. Thus, we make the enemy consume our colonial produce, while we prevent neutrals from carrying him any from his own colonies.And this the Morning Chronicle calls a "relaxation of the Orders in Council sys "ten, forced upon the ministers!" Oh, thout blind guide! Thy printer's devil under stands as much of these matters as thou dost, Well, but what will Jonathan do next? Perhaps, by this time, the embargo fit is off; for he has now been four months from home; and, if that be the case, he will laugh at the Congress and the law. Perhaps, though, the fit is not off. Well, it is little matter, ef ther way, for he may sell the "Fair American," or give her away, his voyage having cleared much more than the worth of her. But, Jonathan will do no such thing. From France he will clear out for Martinico again, and, with the Governor of Jamaica's pass port, well let into one of the planks of the brig, he will come through our cruizers to London or Liverpool. There he will take in a cargo for Boston; his clearance will carry him through our fleets and cruizers, and he will stand the chance of smuggling in the his cargo. Once out at however, in first instance, he may follow what course he pleases, as long as he takes care to obey the English proclamations and Orders in Coun

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Cil; but, the longer the embargo continues, the greater will be the temptation to smuggle In cargoes from England. One lucky hit will, in that case, make a man's fortune. Even if "future hostilities," that is to say, war with America, should break out, Jonathan may go right back home with his coffee and rum and molasses, if he chooses; and thither he will go too, when the scarcity becomes great, in spite of all the acts that the Congress are able to pass. This proclamation is a very wise measure. It is calculated to meet the event of war, at the same time that it exactly suits this state of demi-warfare, in which, by the folly of the American government, we are now placed with that country. And this is what the Morning Chronicle calls "relaxation of the Order in Council system, forced upon the "ministers!"

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CURATES STIPEND BILL.- -I have time only to say, that I most heartily wish this bill success. It was defeated by the late ministry, who could have had no other object in view, than that of pleasing the owners of livings. Mr. Perceval has always been respected by me on account of this bill; and, his persevering in it, through all situations, -places him in striking contrast with the apostate patriots, to whom he has been opposed in politics, and who have, to a man, broken their promises, the moment they got possession of the power of fulfilling them.This, indeed, is a step in the way of real reform Some one expressed a desire to have two debates upon the principle of this bill; but, if there were to be two thousand speeches, and if all the speakers were opposed to it, they never would make one man of sound sense believe, that it is just towards a parish to give its clerical revenues to a man, whose face it never sees, while he who really performs all the duty that is performed receives not more than two thirds of the amount of the wages of a journeyman mechanic,

Butley, 14th April, 1808,

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to save the people from perishing. Though Sir Charles was convinced of the reality of the alledged scarcity, yet he thought, it seems, a compliance with such a request beyond his powers, and therefore dispatched the Coquette for precise instructions.-Various letters have been received descriptive of these horrors; the following is from one of the gentlemen appointed to the deputation, and was written before he set off: Lisbon, March 21, 1808.-I have only time to inform you of my having been authorised, with several others, by this government, to. proceed to the English fleet, now blockading our port, for the purpose of prevailing on Admiral Cotton to permit provisions to be brought hither, as we are absolutely on the eve of a famine. Under these dreadful circumstances we rely on the humanity and liberality of a generous nation, and we trust that his excellency will commiserate the distressed situation of the inhabitants of this devoted city and its envirous, and grant liberty for provisions to enter the port, otherwise we must literally starve, Should we succeed in the object of our mission, it will revive the drooping spirits of the people, and save. the lives of thousands and ten of thousands, who otherwise must meet their fate in the worst and most terrible of all deathsdeath from hunger."

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PORTUGAL..

Famine has visited the wretched Portu guese. At the date of the last advices, the 22d ult. hundreds, it is said, were lying dead in the streets of Lisbon. What, however most decisively proves the extent of the evil, is this, that General Junot sent out a flag of truce (the fact is without a doubt) with a deputation to Sir Charles Cotton, at the head of which was M. Michael Setard, a respectable Portuguese, to suppli cate (the precise term used) the Admiral to suffer some provisions to come into Lisbon,

SPAIN.INSURRECTION.

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Madrid, 19th March, nine o'clock at night.-Since Sunday the 13th inst., such important events have taken place, that the hurry in which I write will not allow me to arrange them in a proper order. Certain intelligence having been received of the Emperor of France coming here, it was asked on the part of the King, and at the request of the Admiral (the Prince of Peace), what was the object of his journey, and whither his troops were directed, to march ?-The answer was, that he came in a peaceable manner, for the good of the nation, and to make a Prince happys The King, with his natural simplicity, and with great satisfac tion, shewed this letter to the Admiral, who being immediately aware of the blow which threatened him, prepared to make arrange ments to escape to Mexico, taking with him' the King, whom he succeeded in persuading to follow him, apprizing him with what they had to fear from the arrival of the Emperor and his troops; and for this purpose the Ad+ miral took out of the royal chest 86 millions of rials-In the course of last month, he had sent already 60 millions to Corunna, which were destined for Lendon, where he has 40 millions of dollars, On Wednesday

he arrived in Madrid, and withdrew on Sunday, in the evening, according to his usual custom, to Aranjuez. As soon as he arrived there, he called a meeting of the council, in which the flight of their Majesties were discussed. The following day (Monday), early in the morning, the siguatures of the three principal persons were collected, and when Cavellero's turn came, he said that he did not chuse to sign, nor should be allow them to do what they intended. The King represented to him in the most earnest manner the danger in which they found themselves; the general discontent of the people of Madrid, demanded his head (as the Admiral bad falsely made him believe). Cavellero said that there was no such thing, that all was false, and that he had been deceived: The King immiediately answered-Do they deceive me? Do they betray me? Who is the Traitor?

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That is the gentleman, pointing to the Admiral, who drew his sword-The council immediately broke up. The principal party, consisting of Cavellero, the Prince, Altemire Fernando Nunes, who they say was wounded, as were most of the Grandees. This happened at night: at the noise the life guards entered, and among them the halbertbearers, and soon afterwards the mob. The project, which was for some time ly suspected, was ascertained by the orders given to the life guards.--On the following day (Monday) in the morning, the life guards took post on the road of Ocanna. The hall of the council and the whole of the palace presented a scene of popular tumult. Some of the guards cried out kill him," others "seize him!" and some pointed the sword to his breast. The Prince Asturias clung to the Admiral, who placing himself between the troops with fixed bayonets, fled to his house, or concealed himself in the palace, and the queen to her apartment. On Wednesday in the evening, a mail arrived, with an order for the garrison of Madrid to assemble and prepare to march. At 7 o'clock at night the bearers of those orders went to all the coffee-houses, and wherever they found officers or guards, directed them to join their corps, and through the whole town the carriages and horses were put into requisition. The troops remained all day in their quarters, which none of them were on any account permitted to leave, and much fermentation was observed among the people. And it was a matter of joy to them to go to the house of the Admiral, to see that he had no longer a guard of hussars. The council of Castille met the same day, and continued in deliberation from ten in the

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morning until four in the afternoon, to an swer the two questions of the King, whether he should leave the country, and whether his people were disturbed: to which ques tions the reply was, that he ought not to leave the country, nor would they allow him to do so. That the people were quiet and loved him, as he might himself see, if he would come to Madrid. This and the whole of the preceding day, nothing but complaints, clamours, and farewells, were heard in Aranjuez, because the king entertained the project of departing, until two in the afternoon, when a courier aarived from Napoleon, assuring him that he came with pacific intentions. This intel ligence was immediately promulgated, and the lamentations were converted into shouts of joy, congratulations, and embraces. throughout all Aranjuez. The patriarch re turned home full of joy, exclaiming, thing is the matter, every thing is settled, go and make it public, let every one know." At half past eleven o'clock the same day, five loaded waggons passed through Aranjuez. Silva and Don Vicente arrived and brought the news, and a courier dispatched by Cavallero brought it to government, with a charge to proclaim as soon as it should reach Delicias, "All is settled, I am the bearer of good news, and of the orders for the troops to depart."At midnight all the king's guards, the admiral's hussars, the volunteers of the state, and the cavalry with loaded carbines and pistols, and the artillery with lighted matches were on duty.-Yes terday (Thursday), in the morning, the annexed edict was posted, intended to unde ceive and tranquillize the people; but at the same time, it was well known, that the admiral was neither apprehended nor disgraced, as had been reported. On the contrary, on the Tuesday, the royal family breakfasted at his house, and on the following day he was at the palace, which grieved every body, and the inhabitants of Aranjuez continued much disturbed. Last night the admiral withdrew from the palace at eleven o'clock, and at one attempted to escape. The life guards observed it, approached, and having ascertained the fact, fired a pistol, at which signal the rest of the guards assembled, and a throng of people endeavoured to force their way through the admiral's hussars who sur rounded his house. Some of the life guards were killed, and Don Diego Godey (the admiral's brother), who was at the head of his regiment of Spanish guards, ordered them to fire, but none obeyed. He repeat ed the order, when the people, and even his own soldiers fell on him, fired at him, beat him, and tied his hands and feet. The

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disturbance became general, from a belief mined to prevent the departure of the roya that the royal family (who were in bed) in- family, the intelligence of which had reach tended to escape. Forty life guards set off at ed that province. full speed after the admiral, who had fled, and they succeeded in overtaking him, when they bound him, and took him to the palace at two o'clock; they came up with him at Ocanna. The princess of peace and her daughter they caused to alight, put them in a coach drawn by the peasantry, who conducted them to the palace, and delivered them to the prince, who came out to receive them with two candles in his hands.-This day, at 8 in the morning, our royal family appeared in the balcony of the palace, to thank the people. At 12, two decrees were posted up in Aladrid, one of which addressed to the president of the councit, is in substance as follows:

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Aranjuez, March 18, 1808-As I in"tend to command my army and navy in person, I have thought proper to release "Don Manuel Godoy, prince of the peace, "from the employs of Generalissimo and "Admiral, and give him leave to withdraw "whither he pleases. You are herewith "informed of it, and will communicate it to whom it concerns. To Don Francis "Gill."

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The king, in order to undeceive your "lordship and the council, and that the public may be correctly informed of what "occurred last night, makes known, that "in consequence of a disturbance between "some hussars and life guards, some military and peasants assembled induced by "" an erroneous belief that their majesties intended to leave the country, but their majesties neither think of leaving the" "6 country, nor have they ever thought for " a moment of withdrawing themselves "from the bosom of their beloved subjects; "that at five o'clock in the morning every thing was quiet in the palace, and he "directs the president to make it known, "in order that the public may banish from "their minds all false reports," &c. &c.The second decree recommends the public to hold good harmony and peace with the French troops, who are to pass through the capital and its environs, on their march to Cadiz This evening, the annexed manuscript decree was published, which levelled the Grand Colossus; such is the general joy and satisfaction of the public, that I doubt whether a general peace would cause a greater; and we all publicly congratulate each other. The public look upon the French without fear, without dread, and as their deliverers. The privates will be received at their quarters, and the officers at the mansions and dwellings of the great. Order is recommended.-To-morrow about 4000 will enter the city-the following day the imperial guard-and on Monday Prince Murat. General report says, that the emperor is detained by these occurrences, because letters from Bayonne and Yrun say, that he arrived there on the 12th, and others contradict it. La Manche is in a state of much confusion, and the people are deter

Madrid Gazette, March 18, 1808.- His majesty has been pleased to transmit the following decree to his excellency, Don Pedro Cevallos, First Secretary of State :-* My "beloved subjects! Your generous agita"tion in these circumstances is a fresh proof "of the sentiments of your hearts, and I, "who love you as a tender father, take "the earliest opportunity to condole with you in the distressed situation in which we are placed. Be tranquil; know that "the army of my dear ally, the emperor of "the French, traverses my kingdom with "ideas of friendship and peace. Its object

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is to march to the points which are "threatened with the danger of a descent by the enemy, and the junction of my life-guards has no other object than to protect my person, and they are not intended to accompany me on a voyage, "which malice endeavoured to represent as

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necessary. Surrounded by the unshaken "loyalty of my armed subjects, of which "I have received such unquestionable "proofs, what have I to fear? and should any imperious necessity require it, could "I doubt of the assistance which their generous bosoms offered me? But no "such necessity will ever be witnessed by "my people.-Spaniards, allay your fears; "conduct yourselves as you have hitherto "done towards the troops of the ally of

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your good kiug. In a few days you will "see peace and tranquillity restored; your. "hearts and mine enjoying the happiness "which God bestows on me in the bosom ́ "of my family and your love. Given in my royal palace of Aranjuez the 16th "March, 1808.-By the King, A. D. "PEDRO CEVALLOS."

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CHALMERS ON NATIONAL RESOURCES.

SIR,In a work which has lately : peared, entitled "An Enquiry into the Extent and Stability of National Resoorts.* by the Rev. Thomas Chalmers, seetacine (of your own favourite speculations vytamurh▾

extended, and set upon a footing different
from any that has yet appeared. The train
of reasoning appears to the to be most lumi-
nous and convincing, and calculated to esta-
blish a position which must prove in the
highest degree consolatory in the present
circumstances of the country, that the loss
of trade so far from being a ground of alarm
or despondency, leaves the nation fitter than
ever for all the purposes of defence and po-
litical independence. The great principle of
his argument seems to be founded upon the
manner in which he conceives the popula-
tion of a country to be distributed. There
is first, an agricultural population employed
in providing food. There is secondly, ano-
ther division of the population employed in
labouring for the other necessaries of com
mon life. And there is, lastly, a remaining
division, whose only employment is to admi-
nister to the luxuries of the wealthy, and to
whom he gives the very significant name of
the disposable population. In his first
chapter, he conceives the country to be se-
cluded from all foreign intercourse. The
disposable population lies at the mercy of
those who are the proprietors of its mainte-
nance. They can be withdrawn from any
one employment to any other. If their em-
ployers chuse to dispense with their services
in one lime of industry, they can destroy
their present employment, but then they
can give them the same maintenance as be-
fore in some other more suited to the taste
or circumstances of the country. The dis-
posable population must accommodate to the
demand of those who are vested with the
ability of maintaining them. If this demand
changes from one species of luxury to ano-
ther, the disposable population must of
course be translated from one species of ma-
nufacture to another. As the demand
changes from luxury to defence, our original
proprietors can withdraw their wealth from
the purchase of luxuries altogether, and
make over the price of them in the form of
a.tax to government. In this case, the dis-
posable population must be thrown loose
from their present employments, many ma-
nufactures must be annihilated, and great ad-
ditional extent given to every department of
the government service. While other wri-
ters are perpetually talking of the extension
of manufactures, this author makes it out
that from the ruin of the manufacturing in-
terest, we can collect the means of adding
to the
power and resources of the nation.
In the second chapter, Mr. Chalmers
cusses the subject of foreign trade. He
proves that the disposable population em-
ployed in carrying on the different operations

of foreign trade, are as completely under the controul of our inland consumers as the manufacturers for home consumption, and that the manufacturers of our exported arti cles derive all their maintenance from an antecedent ability that exists in the country. This has been most ably and satisfactorily proved by Mr. Spence, in his pamphlet entitled "Britain Independent of Commerce." But the argument derives new light from the peculiar cast of our author's speculations. Mr. Spence insists principally on the refuge which the people discarded from foreign trade, would have in the home manufactures of the country. Mr. C.'s mind seems to be more engrossed with public and national ob jects, and insists chiefly on the refuge which they might have in the extended branches of the government service. In his third chapter he takes up the case of a country that derives part of its agricultural produce from abroad. He attempts to estimate the increase which this additional food, and additional population give to the resources of the country, and concludes that it is beyond all comparison insignificant, when contrasted with the addition which may be afforded by an equal part of our own natural population. The whole population subsisted upon fo reign grain, bears a very small proportion indeed to the whole population of the coun try, and though all intercourse with other countries were suspended, there is enough in the agricultural resources of Britain, 10 make up instantly for the want of importa tion. The fourth chapter treats of profit and capital. The income of the manufacturing capitalist is derived from the ability of the inland consumer, as well as the maintenance of the manufacturing labourer. Profit forms part of the price that is paid for the article, and though the manufactures of the country should be destroyed in consequence of some new change in the system of affairs, the abi lity still remains to uphold the labourer in his former comfort, and the capitalist in his former splendour and distinction.-The fifth chapter treats of productive and unproductive labour. He here attempts to expose the futility of this distinction, and to rest the usefulness of every species of labour upon the usefulness of its ultimate effects; it is of no consequence whether the enjoyment which we derive from any species of labour comes to us or not through the medium of a tangible and marketable commodity, it is enough for us that it administers to our en dis-joyment. The question of preference resolves itself intirely into a question of advantage; and that species of labour deserves to be most encouraged, which is found to

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