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the object proposed. They are not, indeed, inadequate to increase the salaries of some curates, though this they would not do, considering the very few livings comparatively that are of the value to which the bill is intended to apply, to nearly the extent supposed; but they are inadequate to improve the condition of curates, so as to enable them, as a body, to become better able to support that rank in society, which their profession entitles them to move in. For, did even the possibility exist, of increasing every curacy in the kingdom to the sum of £250 a year, which is much more than what the bill proposes, or than any bill can accomplish, we should, in a very short time, see, at least, as much distress among that class of clergy, intended to be relieved by the bill, as we do at this present time. Let us pause a moment, and consider what would be the operation of the means proposed? Would it not be to induce many more to enter into orders than now do, without private fortune, without connections, and without any view to future preferment, in prospect of the sti pend of a curacy? Now the sum mentioned is perfectly inadequate to supply even a small family, in the present state of things, with the necessaries of respectable subsistence; but it would be just enough to prevail with many to enter into the church, to engage afterwards in marriage, and to expose themselves to the hard and severe shifts, which every man of reflection must know to be his lot who has to maintain a family upon a life income of 250 Compared with the great body of the clergy, few now receive holy orders on the narrow view of the remuneration they are to receive for their services, whether they are fortunate enough to have preferment in view, or whether they are to take their chance in the vineyard of their Redeemer; but the majority take orders, resting on their own private means, chiefly, for future support, and influenced by the general respectability attaching to the church from the liberal policy whereby she has hitherto been disciplined. Let this policy be cramped, and, instead of that respectability, which now attaches to the church, through all the degrees of her ministers, and which is supported by private fortune and honorable connections, it would soon be discovered, that the measure of the bill would materially injure the condition of the inferior clergy, or, what is precisely the same thing, it would hold forth to the inexperienced a hope of subsistence, it would encourage them to enter into the church, and to expose themselves, in future life, to the miseries of those who build on a scanty annuity to supply the

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calls of a liberal profession.-If there be any truth in these reflexions, then it will follow, that the means, intended to be resorted to, are likely to prove injurious to the public good, so far as concerns the general condition and influence of the great body of the clergy. Whatever tends to increase the visible distress of the clergy, will necessarily diminish their influence and a division of the income of the church, that may operate to induce any to enter into it on a scantier pay than, in the present increased expences of living, would be adequate, will increase this distress, aud ultimately restiain others of more liberal means from engaging in a profession which will be respected in propor tion to the external respectability of those persons who are engaged in her services.The church is to be considered the post of honor, and not of profit. Happily, it has, hitherto, for the most part, been so consi dered. With exceptions, we have no other concern than to lament them. Look to the body of the clergy. You will see many living in all the comforts, and elegancies of life, curates as well as incumbents, but very few, indeed, that are enabled to do so from their preferments. The truth is, that they did not enter into the church from the nar. row views of mere subsistence; but on more noble and honourable views, on feelings of attachment to the sacred profession, on the love of a life of ease and leisure for liberal studies, and in the prospect of meeting with persons embarked in the same profession as themselves, respectable in family, and above dependence for subsistence on the pay of their services. The church, indeed, notwithstanding a few glittering preferments, which allure as SO many prizes in her scanty wheel, is utterly unable to pay for the services she requires, even were her revenues equalized, by any equitable renumeration for expenses of education incurred, and for advantages which must be foregone in the clerical profession.-But, such has hitherto been the wisdom of her policy, that, what she is unable to accomplish by stipends, she has actually accomplished, by what has been called the Lattery of the Church, by engag ing the services of most learned, and most respectable men.-If any one is prepared to say that she has not, then he and the writer of these reflections are at issue, and little good could follow from prolonging or mul tiplying them. But, in the sincere belief that they have been secured, the object of. cursory reflections is to submit a consideration on the impolicy of risking the fu ture loss of such services, by adopting the measures of the bill.-I am, Sir, yours, &c. N. T.-7th June, 1808.

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ses beyond the size of the living itself. An incumbent within my own knowledge did justice to his living by rebuilding the parsonage, but resided in a house of his ow Another incumbent had family property and a family house in one of the most populous parishes in the kingdom. Let the babibitants say what loss they or the church sustained, by his residing half a mile out of the town. This was so far from being the ca-2, that they have expressed every degrec e 3:30 spect both before and after his dece.... The ignis fatuus of hospitality has brought on a determination that if an incumbent boards in his personage house, he is not resident under the statutes, as if single men could do no act of liberality, and as if there was no method of feeding the poor, but in the parsonage kitchen. It was also deter. mined that nearness of residence would not suffice, unless in the respective parishes. Thus Mr. Van Mildert and Mr. Bland, were harrassed, though officiating conscientiously, and residing in the vicinity of their parishes. Such were the hardships which legal decisions had unfortunately added, and which certainly did not arise out of the statutes, but the interpretation of them. In old towns the parishes are so numerous that whoever resides in any part of these towns is sufficiently at hand for the duties required, especially if he have also an associate.When the late residence bill passed, the clergy seemed in general to be satisfied, baving had to combat with the rigour of the statutes, the still greater rigour of legal interpretations, and most of all with ill founded prejudice and clamour: and I venture to assert from a long acquaintance with several. lay districts that the instances of unjustifiable non residence were never numerous not flagrant. In some parts of the kingdom, there are small parishes and ill endowed, and if one clergyman hold two or three of them and serve them all, he may do his duty very conscientiously; of which I have known many irrefragable proofs. If the act of the 36 Geo. III, had considered these as perpetual curacies, till they were augmented to a value which would have rendered thera benefices in truth, great advantage would have followed, patrons and others would have augmented some which stand in need of it, and any one of them might be possessed by an incumbent of a living without vacating that living by cession, and which can only be resumed at an enormous expence, an expence often exceeding a whole year's income of the new pretended benefice.-Mr.. Perceval has thought proper to say that many of the excuses in the New Residence Act

STIPENDIARY CURATES.

SIR,The curates' act of the 36 George the third was, as to augmentation of stipend, analagous to the statute of Anne which made £50 per annum the maximum. The two acts intended no punishment for non residence, and left much to the discretion and benignity of the bishops.And, in order that we may more deliberately discuss the question of residence, let it be remembered, that the several ancient statutes, viz. the 9 Ed. 2. st. 1. c. 8. the 21st. Hen. 8 c. 13, and the 25 Henry 8, c. 16, exempted from legal penalty, certain persons there described: and what is the general principle of such exemptions? That certain situations of high dignity, great responsibility, well directed industry, and many of them requiring superior talents and attainments, not omitting the consideration of personal improvement in knowledge amidst the rage of excessive reformation, were legitimate pleas for nou residence. When it serves a particular purpose, we are reminded that the ordinary was not and is not bound to pay attention to these exemptions, but I never heard that such a power was ever exerted, and heaven forbid it ever' should. Let us now proceed to the legal decisions, which I shall give in substance, after premising that the word wilful is a word which gave more latitude to a judge and jury than they ever took. It must have had an intentionally strong meaning, but, except in cases of bad health, was little attended to. Those reasonIable and honourable apologies which the calls of private business, and private affection furnish were never admitted, and the word wilful lost all its meaning. Nor did the evil end here. The courts decided that no one was statutably resident who did not reside in the parsonage house, and so Dr. Ibbetson was cast who lived within a few yards of his own premises. It was taken for granted that no clergyman would keep his parsonage in repair who did not live in it. The use of parochial visitations is thus taken away. But hospitality is pleaded.Are parsonage houses then to become honorary inus, and especially after the establishment of parish rates, and the occasional donations of every clergyman who is competent to make them? Let the following two cases be considered as very common. A. has a living of £60 or £10 per annum. He has also private property, or which amounts to the same thing, he purchases, and builds. Could he justify it to his family to lay out hundreds upon so small a life estate? For Gilbert's act would not allow him above £120 or 140. Neither has he a right to enlarge the premi

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ought to have been excluded. To me t immaterial who his connselors are, 1 bi tate not to say, I envy neither him nor those associates. The framer of the bill would not intentionally insert any thing nugatery, and no candid well judging person will think so. There is a class of men left to the kindness of the bishops, of men, I say, who if they do their duty, are pronounced by the general suffrage of maskind, to be the most useful meinbers of the clerical profession; I mean, the instructors of youth. Hardhearted, indeed, must that bishop be, who would refuse a letter of licence to such persons, especially if their benefices were inadequate to their reasonable support. With impropriations belonging to laymen and corporate bodies Mr. P. dare not interfere. The universities and Sion college are justly incensed against him. If his proposal could ever have been just, which every thinking man must deny, this is not the moment to make it, when ten per cent. is taken out of every income for the exigencies of the State. The curates' act made an encroachment by allowing an ordinary to licence a curate, without the consent of the incumbent, and by making those benefices which are not such in truth. That this was a proper construction of the stat. Geo. I. is at least doubtful, but if it were, the statute should have been repealed instead of confirmed. In one word, the present bill, reprobated as it was when brought forward in substance a few years ago, if passed into a law, will descend to posterity with abhorrence and execration, as dictated by a sanctimo nious casuistry and a mean desire of popularity, cratimed down the throats of the senators, remaining in town by the overbearing influence and importunity of office. It will easily be seen from whom the order of privy council on the subject of residence originated, and it will be worth while to copy the bishop of Worcester's letter to Mr. Fawkener, sent a little time before his death. No one can judge of the merits or demerits of cases in the gross, but the taste of the times will relish any thing in disparagement of the regular clergy, and the greatest calumniators are they who falsely call themselves evangelical.-I am, &c. L. M.

tioner to be inconsistent with that constitution, on which depend his life, liberty, and property. That if the said bill should become part of the general system of defence for Great Britain, it would, in the humble judgment of your petitioner, greatly add to the present public dauger, by tending to inspire the nation with fallacious hopes of secnrity, while the system of defence would in reality be extremely defective, both in physical means, and moral motive-That the physical force required by the constitution for repelling invasion, extends to the whole of the posse comitatus, including all men from 15 to 60 years of age, independent of any such regular army as might by authority of parliament be, at any time in existence.-That the moral motive for contributing by taxes to the utmost of men's ability, and for hazarding life in defence of the state, is that political liberty, or, in other words, that full and substantial representation in parliament, to which the people are by the constitution entitled: but of which they are deprived in a degree, which is, and for a long course of years has been, matter of extreme grief, dissatisfaction, and complaint; creating even doubts whether a House of Commons so defectively constituted as the present, and of whose members a very large proportion are dependent on the crown for lucrative offices is any protection at all to the liberties of our country.- -That your petitioner believes that if, in physical means and moral motive, the system of defence for Great Britain were made as perfect as the constitution requires, the impossibility of conquering an island, and the madness of invading it would then be apparent to the enemy.--That the present defectiveness of our system of defence, by feeding the enemy with the hope of ultimately conquering our country, is the true cause of his continuing the war; and that, were parliament to perfect that defence according to the constitution, we should of consequence, very shortly have peace.-And when your petitioner casts his eye towards Spain, he is convinced that neither peace nor alliance with the present ruler of France would, for a moment, give our country secu rity, unless the people, free and armed, should ever be ready on the instant, effectually to repel the most formidable invasion, backed by a fleet even superior in number of ships to that of England, which, in the relative situation of the twocountries he may shortly be expected to possess.---Your petitioner therefore humbly hopes the said Local Militia bill will not be allowed to pass into a law, but that your lordshs in conjunction with the other House of Parliament and his Ma

LOCAL MILITIA BILL.

To the Lords of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled. The humble Petition of John Cartwright of Enfield in the County of Middlesex,

Sheweth-That the Local Militia bill now before your lordships appears to your peti

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jesty will, 'ere it be too late, effectually provide for the safety of the realm against invasion, by restoring to life and action those energies of the constitution, civil and military, which are applicable to defence, and in which alone are found the physical means and moral motive, whereby, as your petitioner verily believes, our endangered country, when the whole continent shall be in the hands of Buonaparte, can be defended.And your petitioner shall ever pray, &c. &c. -J. CARTWRIGHT.- -Presented by Earl Stanhope, on Saturday the 18th of June,

ISOS.

OFFICIAL PAPERS. FRANCE AND AMERICA. -Letter of M. Champagny, to Gen. Armstrong, dated Paris, Jan. 15, 180S. (Concluded from page 992)

It has not been enough for her to offend against the independence of her flag, nay, against that of their territory, and of their inhabitants, by attacking them even in their ports, by forcibly carrying away their cre crews: her decrees of the 11th November have made a fresh attack on their commerce, and on their navigation, as they have done on those of all other powers. In the situation in which England has placed the continent, especially since her decrees of the 11th of Nov., his Majesty has no doubts of a declaration of war against her by the U. States. Whatever transient sacrifices war may occasion, they will not believe it consistent either with their interest or dignity to acknowledge the monstrous principle, and the anarchy which that government wishes to establish on the seas. If it be useful and honourable for all nations to cause the true maritime laws of nations to be re-established and to avenge the insults committed by England against every flag, it is indispensible for the U. States, who from the extent of their commerce have oftener to complain of those violations. War exists, then in fact, between England and the U.

States, and his Majesty considers it as de clared, from the day on which England pub lished her decrées. In that persuasion i Majesty, ready to consider the U. State associated with the cause of all the who have to defend themselves aga.. land, has not taken any definitive n towards the American vessel which have been brought into our ports. 11 ordered that they should remain sequestered until a decision may be had thereon, according to the dispositions which shall have Luca expressed by the government of the U States.

BRAZILS.

Ordinance, addressed to the Count de Ponte.-Dated at Bahia, Jan. 29; 1898.

Friend,-1, the Prince Regent, send you, as my well beloved, greeting: duly considering the report which you have made to me on the condition of my subjects, and my royal revenue, on account of the present critical state of public affairs in Europe, and being desirous to give on that important subject, a speedy decision, in order to stop the farther progress of evils of such magnitude, &c. I do herewith provisionally ordain, until a general system of regulations, respecting the matters.in question shall have been arranged, as follows:-1. That at the custom houses in the Brazils, all kinds of goods, merchandize, and commodities, brought either on board of foreign ships, belonging to such powers as are considered to be on terms of amity and peace with my royal crown, or in vessels belonging to my subjects, shall be admitted, on payment of 24 per cent, import duty, consisting of 20 per cent. consolidated customs, and four per cent. additional duty already established; the collection of the said customs to be effected in the same manner as has hitherto been done at the customhouse. Wine, brandy, and sweet oil, shall pay double the duty that has hitherto been levied on the said articles.--2. That it shall be lawful, not only for my own subjects, but 2 K

DIRECTIONS TO THE BOOKBINDER.

It is to be observed, that this sheet, which is the last of Volume XIII, should not be cut open by the Reader, but should be left to the Bookbinder, who will perceive, that the first half-sheet, of which this page makes a part, comes at the end, and that the other half-sheet containing the Title Page and Table of Contents, is to be cut off, and placed at the beginning of the Volume.

Supplement to No. 26, Vol. XIII-Price 10d.

also for those of the powers above-mentioned, to export to such ports as they shall deem expedient, for the benefit of trade and agriculture, which I feel anxious to promote, every species of colonial commodities and produce, with the exception of Brazil wood and other articles, the exportation of which is already prohibited, on payment of the same export duty as has hitherto been established in the respective provinces; all laws, royal edicts, and other ordinances, which hitherto prohibited in this state of the Brazils a mutual intercourse and maritime trade between my subjects and foreign nations, remaining until farther notice suspended and without force. All which you will cause to be carried into effect with that activity and zeal which I expect from you.

SWEDEN Answer to the Danish Declaration of War-Dated, Stockholm, 21st March, 1508.

The Court of Denmark had made an alliance with France, was prepared to receive French troops in its country, collected transport vessels in its ports, fitted out all its ships in the Road of Copenhagen, to cover a French expedition against Sweden, and then issues a declaration of war. Denimark accuses Sweden of being the cause of this rupfure, because she did not make her compli

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ents of condolence on the loss of the fleet; because she would not co-operate to avenge that humiliation, and especially because she sought aid from England against such an aggression The relations of the king with his neighbouring power, were those of a simple peace. There was neither alliance nor any convention whatever, which traced out for the two courts' any common course for their political conduct; therefore, when Sweden, Russia, and Prussia, fought in conjunction against France, Denmark, under the shade of her neutrality, appeared the friend of all. The king witnessing this system, and convinced, by some explanations demanded in the course of the year 1800, of the impossibility of obtaining a change favourable to Sweden, could not entertain a hope that the naval force of Denmark could ever be useful to him; on the contrary, after the peace of Tilsit, he had every reason to fear, that by the suggestions of Russia and France, it might one day be turned against him. His majesty therefore thought it proper to observe a profound silence relative to the ev nits which passed in his vicinity last auum), leaving to Eagland and futurity to justity them. It is due to truth however to declare, that the court of London did not invite Sweden to take part in this expedition,

nor confided it to her till the moment of its being carried into execution; therefore not the least movement was made in Sweden on this occasion. The English fleet arrived and departed without entering into any port of Sweden, and the auxiliary troops embark ed at Pomerania were restored, in virtue of a separate article in the convention concluded at London relative to this object on the 17th of June, 1807, when certainly there was as yet no reference to this expedition. The following is the article.-It is fully understood, that in case unforeseen circumstances should render impracticable the object of this convention, or that his Britannic majesty should find it necessary to withdraw the said troops (the German Legion) from Swedish Pomerania, the stipulation of this convention shall in no manner prevent his Britannic majesty from giving such orders as he may judge proper, with respect to the ulterior disposition of these troops, which are now placed under the orders of his Swedish majesty. The court of London has since fully justified this enterprize, and the experience of every day justifies it. Numerous French armies remained in Lower Saxony, and overawed the North. There were still nations to subjugate, ports to shut, and forces to direct against England. They were to penetrate at any rate and expense: they would have acted in any case, and under any pretence that might have offered. At present, it is the expedition against the Danish fleet which is the rallying word of the whole league.-What is remarkable is, that the Danish government, already beset by French troops, overpowered, impelled, and even paid by France, issues a declaration of war against Sweden, without daring even to name the power which forces it to act. It seeks, with embarrassment, grievances and reasons to appear to have had in this determination a will of its own. It cites the remonstrances of Sweden against the arrest of the Swedish mails, as vexatious; while in its severity against English correspondence, it would not suffer it to pass according to treaty, and declares that it is imperiously obliged to take these measures. It pretends to know the thoughts of the king, and imagines them hostile, though for some months it had concerted an aggression upon Sweden.-It pretends to reason on the interests of the country, though it has abandoned its own interests, and even its exis tence to a foreign influence; in fine, it re proaches Sweden with having provided for her defence by a subsidiary treaty, though itself is paid for an aggression, and then it pronounces, though indeed with a kind of

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