a measure which, he faid, was not very likely to receive the fanction of the legislature, nor did he think it adviseable in itself; the expedient had been fully tried, as far as voluntary compact could carry it, and had been a tended with the most pernicious inftead of beneficial effects; not to mention the outrageous excelfes into which the people had been led in the enforcing thefe agreements, it fill left it in the power of the interested and avaricious to draw additional profits from the diftresses of the country.The home manufactures were not only vended at the moft extravagant price, but all incitement to emulation being removed, they had declined in their quality to the loweft extreme.The fecond was to encourage by bounties the export trade. But this, he thought, was beginning at the wrong end. Foreign trade could only be fecured by the excellence of the manufactures, and that, he contended, could only be obtained in the gradual progress of a home confumption. There then remained no other measure than that he now propoled, by which a preference only would be given to the native manufacture, a preference which, he believed, in all other commercial countries, was unito mly secured. He therefore concluded with moving, "That a duty of two fhillings and fixpence per yard be laid on all drapery imported into that kingdom." At the fame ume he declared his intention of moving for proportionate duties on paper, manufactured icon, and a variety of other articles.

In answer to thele arguments it was urged, that the protecting duty, if made effectual, world neceffarily produce all the confequences of non importation. -But what was chiefly infitted on was, that it could not be expected Great Britain would not retaliate, and that they might thereby run the risk of lofing the linen trade, the value of which was a million and a halt, for the uncertain profpect of encreasing the woollen, which did not exceed 50,000l. The quest on being at length put on Mr. Gardener's motion, it was rejected by a majority of 110 to 36

The rejection of Mr. Gardener's propofitions cauled a violent fermentation amongst the people. On the Monday following an outrageous mob broke into the Houfe of Commons at the time of its fitting, reproached the members with having fold themselves to Great Britain, and called on them at least to diftribute amongst the Harving manufacturers some share of the hire of their iniquity. The guards being fet for, put an end to the riot without any bloodshed, and two of the ringleaders were appichended and committed to Newgate,

As there was great reafon to believe that the people were greatly incited to these violent ex. Celles by the feditious and inflammatory libels which were daily circulated in the public papers, profecutions were commenced againft feveral of the printers; and on the 7th of April a bili was brought in by Mr. Fotler, "for tecuring the liberty of the prefs, by preventing the publication of libels." By this bill it was enacted, "That the real printer and proprietor or every new paper thonid make an affidavit of his name and place of refidence, and that the fame should be

lodged in the ftamp-office, to be produced as fufficient evidence in cafes of profecutions for libeis:That they fhould further enter each into a recognizance of 500l. to answer all civil fuits that should, be inflituted against them in fuch characters :-That they should take no money for putting in or having in any flanderous articles, under a fevere penalty and laftly, that the hawker of any unftamped inflammatory or libellous paper should be compelled to prove from whom he received it, and should be subjected to imprifooment ipfo facto by warrant of any justice of the peace."

This bill was strenuously opposed in both houses of parliament, and feveral petitions were prefented against it. At length a fort of compromife tuck place. The most obnoxious claufes, these relative to the recognizance, and the imprisonment of hawkers, were withdrawn, and the bill, thus modified, paffed with a pretty general concurrence.

Notwithstanding the vigorous conduct of the Irish government, the city of Dublin continued, during the whole course of the summer 1785, · to be a scene of tumult and diforder. No fooner was parliament rifen, than the expedient of nonimportation agreements was again relorted to with greater zeal than ever-These engagements spread themselves into every quarter of the kingdom. They received the fanction of feveral grand juries, and the merchants of the trading ports found themfelves compelled to subfcribe to them. The enforcing of these prohibitory compacts naturally devolved upon the lowest clafs of the people, and they proceeded in the execution of this truft according to the most approved modes of popular difcipline.-To keep thefe exceffes within fome bounds, the military were pofted in fuch parts of the city as were the maft fubject to tumult, centinels were placed to prevent or to give notice of the first appearance of riot, and the garrison was kept in conftant readines for action.

This untemporifing difpofition in government, drew on the lord lieutenant, whole manners were in other respects peculiarly adapted to acquire the favour of that nation, an unusual share of popular odium, the effects of which he had frequently the mortification of experiencing.— In one inftance the public theatre was chofen to be the fcene of manifefting this ill humour. He was received on his arrival in the house by the performance of a piece of mufic called the Volunteers March. A general uproar enfued; the entertainments of the evening were stopped; and it was faid that he narrowly escaped undergoing one of thofe operation which are usually inflic ted by the mob on perfons who have the mistortune to fall under their displeasure.

Previous to the meeting of the Irish parliament, in January 1785, the British cabinet, in concert with commiffioners appointed on the part of Ireland, had formed a plan for regulating and finally adjufting the commercial intercourle between the two kingdoms.

On the 7th of February, Mr. Orde, the fecretary to the lord lieutenant, announced this fyftem to the Houfe of Commons, and on the

11th,

permanent and irrevocable participation of the commercial advantages of this country, when her parliament should permanently and irrevocably fecure in aid out of the furplus of the he editary revenue of that kingdom, towards defraying the expence of protecting the general com merce of the empire in time of peace.

Mr. Pitt, after taking a review of what had already been granted to Ireland by the British parliament, observed, That the conceffions now propofed to be made to that kingdom, in order to put the two countries on a fair and equal footing, he should reduce to two heads :

Firf, The importation of the produce of our colonies in the West Indies and America through Ireland into Great Britain.

Second, A mutual exchange between the tavo countries of their respective productions and manufactures, upon equal terms.

With regard to the firft, he allowed it had the appearance of militating against the naviga. tion laws, for which England had ever had the greatest partiality. But as the had already allow. ed Ireland to trade immediately and directly with the colonies, he could not fee how the importing of the produce of thofe colonies circuitoufly through Ireland into Great Britain could injure the colonial trade of this country, which was a direct one, and therefore to be made at a lefs expence and rifque, than that which was circuitous.

In return for thefe conceffions on the part of Great Britain, he propofed that Ireland thould agree to the payment of a certain ftipulated fum yearly out of the furplus of her hereditary reveque, towards defraying the general expences of the empire.

Such was the general outline of the propofed fyftem on its first appearance. In the outlet, both those within and those without doors feemed to comprehend but little, and to be fill leis concerned about an object of fuch extent and import ance.A fortnight elapfed before the lubject again made its appearance: during which interim a report prepared by a committee of the board of trade and plantations, was laid by the minifter upon the table of the Houfe of Commons, to affitt its deliberations. This report was flated to be founded upon the declarations and opinions of fome of the principal manufacturers and mercrants in the kingdom, who had been examined by the above-mentioned committee; and its par icular object was to prove the expediency of that part of the fyftem which related to reducing the duties payable upon the importation of Irish produce and manufactures into Great Britain, to what the fame fort of articles were charged with in this country.

In the mean time the merchants and manufacturers who had been examined before the committee, joined by a great number of others from every part of the nation, met together for the purpofe of taking the Irish propofitions into their confideration.-During the courte of their proceedings it appeared, that the opinions of the former were in direct contradiction to the infer ences which had been drawn from their examination in the report laid before parliament. Whether this was occafioned by any change which, upon a fuller confideration, had taken place in the

d of the merchants and manufacturers them

felves, or whether the committee of the board of trade and plantations had ftrained and perverted their declarations, it is not easy to determine. However, the confequence was, that it threw a confiderable degree of difcredit upon the report itfelf, and feemed to point out the neceffity there was for the house of commons to examine the different commercial and manufacturing bodies concerned, at their own bar. This mode of proceeding gave the first check to the fyftem in its progrefs through the house, whilft without doors it became more unpopular, in proportion as it became more thoroughly investigated. During the months of March and March and April, and until the middle of May, the boule was occupied in receiving Aprit 1785. the pet tions, and hearing the evidence of mangfacturers and merchants of every delcription.

1785.

This laborious and minute mude of intelligation being gone through, the propositions were again brought forward by Mr. Pi, on the 12th of May, but with a May 12th, variety of amendments, variations, and additions.—To the original fet of pop fition, ten new ones were added, fome of thera only fupplemental to, and explanatory of the former, but several containing much new and important matter; we thall therefore lay them as they now stood, at large before our readers, in the note below §.

N O T E.

§ I. That it is highly important to the intereft of both counties, that the commerce between Great Britain and Ireland should be finally regulated on permanent and equitable principles, for the mutual benchit of both countries.

II. That a full participation of commercial advantages should be permanently fecured to Ireland, whenever a provision, equally permanent and lecure, shall be made by the parliament of that kingdom towards defraying, in proportion to its growing profperity, the neceffary expences in time of peace, of protecting the trade and general intereft of the empire.

46

III. That towards carrying into full effect so defirable a fettlement, it is fit and proper that all articles, not the growth or manufacture of Great Baitain or Ireland, “ except those of the growth, produce, or manufacture, of any of the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the Streights of Magellan, thould be imported into each king. dom from the other reciprocally, under the fame regulations, and at the fame time, (if fubject to duties) to which they would be liable when imported directly from the country or placefrom whence the fame may have been imported into Great Britain and Ireland refpectively, as the cafe may be ;" and that all duties originally paid on importation into either country relpectively, except on arrack and foreign brandy, and on rum, and all forts of trong waters not imported from the British colonies in the Weft Indies, fhall be finally drawn back on exportation to the other.

But, nevertheless, that the duties shall continue to be protected and guarded, as at prefent, by withholding the drawback, until a certificate from the proper officers of the revenue, in the kingdom to which the export may be made, fhall be returned and compared with the entry outwarde," (To be continued.)

Mr. God. Green moved, that John Butler, Efq; be difcharged out of cuftody of the Serjeant at Arms, without paying fees.-Motion ne gatived.

Read a fecond time, and committed for Saturday, the bill for amending the law in certain cales therein mentioned,- -Odered, that the faid bill be printed.

Mr. Hartley moved, that the order for refer ring the petition of the inhabitants of the city of Dublin to the committee on the Police-bill be difcharged-Agreed to, and he then moved that the faid petition be referred to a committee of the whole Houfe on Friday next, and that council be heard at the bar in fupport of the alle gations of faid petition. Which was agreed

to.

Mr. Trench, after obferving on the prevalence of the fpirit of gambling amongst almost all ranks of people, and its pernicious confequences, often attended with bankruptcy, forgery, and fometimes with robbery, and remarking, if it was not for that fpirit of gambling, the House of Commous would be at this day more independent; threw out a fuggeftion, that it might be poffible to turn this vice to fome public benefit, and his intention was, that a license fhould be taken out by the proprietors of all houfes where clubs are held for the purposes of playing at cards and dice; that the licente where cards only are played hould be moderately rated, but where dice is played, it should be much higher, and on this fubject he fhould on Friday next, when the Police bill was in committee, take the feale of the Houfe on a motion, which he should then have the honour to make.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer humorously obferved, that he was not hardy enough to engage fo numerous a body of men as the gentlemen who came under the defcription of men of play, but he affured the Hon. Gentleman, that he wished him all poffible fuccef in his undertakjog. Intereft of money bill. The bill for reducing the intereft of money to 5 per cent, was read a fecond time.

Sir L. O'Brien declared himself a friend to the measure, and he believed there was no difference in opinion in respect to the principle of the bill; he faid that when the bill was in committee he fhould move an additional clause, and he hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman, and those who approved of the measure, would in the committee make the bill as unexceptionable as poffible.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, the bill was as fimple as it could be, it was an exact transcript of a former one; he obferved, that this bill was mott favourably circumstanced, for there were ag objections to its being agitated in Par liament, he obferved, that owing to the high rate of intereft, notwithstanding parliamentary grants, profufion of bounties, and a free trade, n very great henefit have been derived from the njoyment of that free trade, which he principally attributed to the high rate of intereft, for high intereft had a moft efficient weight on our export trade, and no man would engage extenfively either in commerce or manufactures to as to

He stated that the manufacturer is the first affected by a high rate of intereft; the next, the merchant who muft have a second profit, and the fhipping and freightage of this country are allo moft materially affected, this is manifested by hardly any thing being brought into this country but in English bottom, fo there was a threefold incumbrance operating to the disadvantage of the kingdom.He said he should not rely on general principles nor on his own arguments, byt he should adduce higher authority; and here he again coutended that this country could not fland in competition with other countries whilft intereft remained so high; he said, he was aware of fome objections that might be made to the principle of lowering the rate of intereft, and he thould with leave of the House endeavour to do away these objections, referving to himself a right of replying to whatever arguments might be made ufe of by gentlemen who might differ with him on the subject. The first objection i, that if you put your money at a par with that in England, your moDey will go there. He said that was not probable; for there would be expence and rifque in changing fecurities-and a lofs in money unemployed, besides the difference of exchange would alfo operate to the difadvantage of the lender, for it is notorious, that for three-fourths of the year, the exchange is in favour of this country; and the difficulties that might arife to lenders of money in point of law-fuits and other unforeseen circumftances, and thefe in his opinion would be fufficient to deter people of this country from laying out their money at intereft in England. Another objection against this measure was, that if the intereft of money was lowered, those people in England who have money, lent here in landed property would call it in. For his part, if ever that thould be the cafe, he should not be very forry for it, though he did not at all apprehend fuch a confequence, for in that cafe there would be a premium on mortgages that bure 6 per cent, Another objection was that money will always find its own level, but in answer to this be ob ferved, that the prodigal and diffipated man would out bid in the article of intereft, the man who would fructify and become useful to the flate; it was men of this defcription that he wished to keep out of the market. And here he quoted an obfervation from Smith's treatise on the wealth of nations, that if intereft be too high, money will be lent to prodigals only, for the jober men who would wish to turn money to advantage will decline taking it at a high intereft. After anfwering these general objections, he proceeded to state the fituation of this country at the respective periods of 1703. 1721, 1733, and the pretent time; he obferved that at the firft of these periods the intereft was reduced from 10 to 8 per cent. at the next to 7 per cent. and in 1733 it was reduced to 6 per cent. and the intervals between those reductions were but very short; in the one eighteen years, in the other only eleven years, and from the last reduction till now, an interval of 55 years, has elapfed; and he a gued that from the encrease of wealth fince the period of the latt reduction of the intereft of money, and from the encreate of hipping and alfo the encrease

of