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his lordship dying at Paris in December, 1744, left iffue two fons, viz.

co-heir to John, Duke of Marlborough; and tent to do in his adverfity. He married Anne, daughter and heir to Robert Eyre, of Highlow, county of Derby, Efq; by whom he had two fons, Robert his heir, and William, who was lieutenant of a man of war, and killed in 1706, before Barcelona.

ift fon, John, the 2d and prefent vif count Bateman.

2d William, late a captain in the navy, who married Feb. 17, 1755, Mifs Hedges, of Finchley, in Middlefex.

(2d Viscount.) John, the 2d and prefent lord viscount Bateman.

Titles. The right hon. John Bateman, lord viscount Bateman, and baron of Culmore, in the county of Londonderry.

Creation. So created, 12th July, 1725, 11th Geo. J.

Arms. Topaz on a fefs, diamond, between three Mufcovy ducks, proper, a rofe of the field.

Creft. On a wreath, a duck's head and breaft between two wings, erect, proper.

Supporters. Two lions, pearl, gorged with plain collars, diamond, charged with a rose between two fleurs de lis, topaz, and chains of the latter, affixed to each collar. Motte. Nec prece, nec pretio.-(neither by intreaty or bribes. )

Seat. Shobden Court, in the county of Hereford, 1c2 miles from London.

Mondon, Viscount Galway.

HE right hon. Henry Moncton ArunTdel, ord vilcount Galway, and baron

of Killard, was born in 1748, and fucceeded his brother William Henry, the late and third vifcount, March 20, 1774. He is comptroller of his Majefty's houthold, a lord of the privy council in Great Britain, and a knight companion of the moft honourable order of the Bath. His lordship married in March, 1779, Mifs Elizabeth Mathew, by whom he has iffue.

This family hath been of long duration in the North of England, and derives its defcent from Simon Moncton, of Moncton, in the county of York, Efq; who had two fons, Henry and Simon, from whom defcended Thomas Moncton, who became poffeffed of the lordship of Cavil, in the faid county, which his pofterity ftill enjoys, being 334 years (1788),

And from whom defcended Sir Philip Moncton, who was knighted, and was reputed, for his loyalty to King Charles I. a delinquent; and for his fervices to that unfortunate King underwent two several banifhments, with divers imprisonments, during the course of the war; his grandfather, father, and himself, being all at one time fequeftered by Cromwell. In confideration whereof, King Charles II. in 1653, wrote him a letter with his own hand, promifing, in regard to his fervices, that if it pleated God to restore him, he should share with Mm in his profperity, as he had been con

Robert, the eldest fon, was one of those patriots who promoted the restoration of the laws and liberties of their country, by retiring into Holland, and returning with the Prince of Orange, when he came to accom. plish that great work, who, after his acceffion to the crown, appointed him a commiffioner of trade and plantations. He married Theodofia, daughter and coheir to John Fountayne of Melton, Efq; by whom he had two fons. Robert, the youngest, died unmarried, and

(1ft Viscount) John, the eldeft, fucceeded to the eftate, and was by privy feal of King George I. bearing date 25 May, 1727. directed to pals patent for the honours of Baron of Killard and Viscount Galway; but his Majefty dying before the patent could pafs the feals, King George II. by privy feal, dated at Kensington, 24 June, and by patent at Dublin, 17 July, 1727, was pleafed to confirm thofe dignities to him and his heirs male. He was one of the commiffioners of his majefty's revenues in Ireland, and was furveyor general of his majefty's honours, &c. in England and Wales. He mar

ried firft the honourable lady Elizabeth Manners, youngest daughter to John, fecond duke of Rutland; and by her, who died 22d March, 1729, aged zi, had issue three fons and one daughter, who died 23d July, 1732. Of the fons, viz.

Ift, William, his heir, the fecond Vifcount.

2d, Robert, a lieutenant-general, and colonel of the 17th regiment of foot, whole fervices in the late war are too well remembered to need farther mention here.

3d, John, died in Oct. 1728.

His lordship married, fecondly, Mifs Jane Weftenra, fifter to Warner Weftenra, of the Queen's county, Efq; by whom he had iffue, viz.

Philip, born July 27, 1758.

Edward Henry, born in Aug. 1739.
Henry, born in Feb. 1742.

Mary, born in April, 1747, and married in June, 1786, to Edmund, the 7th and prefent Earl of Cork and Orrery.

(2d Vifcount) William, the fecond Vif count, fucceeded his father July 15, 1751, and reprefented Pontefract, in the parlia ment of Great Britain, and was receiver general of his majefty's crown and fee-farm rents. He married, August 12, 1747, Mifs Villareal, daughter of Villareal, Efq; by whom he got a very large fortune; and by her had iffie, viz..

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24 Charlotta, married Feb. 13, 1785, to Anthony Burlton Bennett, of Dorfetfhire, Efq;

His lordip took the name of Arundel, agreeable to the will of Lady Frances Arundel; and he dying, November 18, 1772, was fucceeded by his eldeft fon.

(3d Viscount) William Henry, the third Vilcount, died unmarried, in February 1774, and was fucceeded by his brother,

(4th Viscount) Henry Monston Arundel, the 4th and prefent Viscount Galway.

Titles. The Right Hon. Henry Moncton Arundel, lord viscount of the town of Galway, and baron Killard, in co. Clare.

Creation. So created, 17 July, 1727, 1ft George II.

Arms. Diamond on a chevron between three martlets, topaz, as many mullets of the field.

Creft. On a wreath, a martlet, as in the coat. Supporters. Two unicorns,ermine, gorged with eaftern crowns, gold.

Seat. Serieby, in the county of Notting

ham.

The genuine Speech of bis Excellency Benjamin Franklin, Efq. to the Prefid. nt of the late Continental Convention, immediately before figning the propofed Conflitu

I

tion.

“ Mr. President, confefs that I do not entirely approve of this Conflitution at prefent; but, Sir, I am not fure I shall never approve it for, having lived long, I have experienced many inftances of being obliged, by better information or fuller confideration, to change opinions even on important fubjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwife. It is therefore that, the older I grow the more apt I am to doubt my own judgment, and to pay more refpect to the judgment of others. Moft men indeed as well as moft fects in religion, think themfelves in poffeffion of all truth; and that, where ever others differ from them, it is fo far error. Steele, a Proteftant, [rather Hoadly] in a dedication, tells the Pope, that the only difference between our two churches, in their opinion of the certainty of their doctrine, is, the Romish church is infallible, and the Church of England is never in the wrong. But though many private perfons think almoft as highly of their own infallibility as that of their fect, few exprefs it fo naturally as a certain French lady, who, in

a little difpute with her fifter, faid, "I don't know how it happens, fifter, but I meet with nobody but myself that is always in the right."

In thefe fentiments, Sir, I agree to this Conftitution, with all its faults, if they are fuch; because I think a general government neceflary for us, and there is no form of government but what may be a bleffing to the people, if well adminiftered: and I believe farther that this is likely to be well adminifiered for a courfe of years, and can only end in defpotifm, as other forms have dose before it, when the peon'e fhall become corrupted as to need defp de govern ment, being incapable of any other.

I doubt too whether any other Conventi on we can obtain may be able to make a better Conftitution. For when you affemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their joint wildom, you inevitably affemble with thofe men, all their prejudices, their paffions, their errors of opinion, their local interefts, and their felfifh views. From fuch an affembly, can a perfect production be expected? It therefore aftonifhes me, Sir, to find this fyftem approaching fo near to perfection as it does. And I think it will aftonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence, to hear that our councils are confounded like thofe of the builders of Babel, and that our fenators are on the point of feparation, only to mect hereafter for the Thus I confent, Sir, to this Conftitution, purpose of cutting one another's throats. because I expect no other, and because I am not fure that it is not the beft. The opinions I have had of its error, I facrifice to the public good. I have never whifpered a fyllable of them abroad. Within thefe walls they were born, and here they fhall die. If every one of us in returning to our conftituents, were to repeat the objections he had to it, and endeavour to gain partifans in fupport of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lofe all the falutary effects and great advantages refulting naturally in our favour among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real and apparent unanimity. Much of the ftrength and efficacy of any government, in procuring and fecuring happiness to the people, depends on opinion, on the general opinion of the goodnets of that government, as well as of the wifdom and integrity of its governors. I hope therefore, that for our own fakes, as a part of the people, and for the fake of our pofterity, we shall act heartily and unanimoufly in recommending this Conftitution wherever our influence may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavours to the means of having it well administered.

On the whole, Sir, I cannot help exprefFf2 fing

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fing a wifh, that every member of the Convention, who may ftill have objections to it, would, with me, on this occafion, doubt a little of his own infallibility, and, to make manifeft our unanimity, put his name to this inftrument."

The accounts hitherto received of the MAGNA CHARTA of the American States as it may be termed, vary very much; we fhall therefore defer our account of its efta, blishment till we can infert it on better grounds.

His Excellency Benjamin Franklin, Efq. has been re-elected Prefident of the State of Pennsylvania, and the Hon. -Peter Muhlenberg, Vice-Prefident.

No accommodation has yet taken place between the Southern Provinces, and the Indians with whom they are at war; and fome fresh difputes are faid to have arifen between those provinces and the Spaniards which have not yet broke out into a rup

ture.

his natural coldness; his mind acquired unufual vigour and he exhibited proofs of courage, prudence, and perseverance, not in ferior to the most confummate heroes of his time. Thefe circumftances ferved to place his character in an exalted point of view; while, at the fame time, his moderation prevented the umbrage which is apt to be conceived by a free people against their fovereign. Thus, from being thought incapable of any interested defigns, and yet equal to the task of carrying the most adventurous into execution, he became, from the accidental fituation of his affairs, the innocent inftrument of accomplishing an important revolu tion.

When Charles Gustavus of Sweden appeared fuddenly before Copenhagen in 1658, at the head of a powerful army, he even publicly boasted, that he would unite the crowns of Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, in his own perfon; and would then march, like another Alaric, into Italy, at the head of the Gothic nations. The internal weakness and

An Acoount of the great Revolution in Den- civil commotion of Denmark feemed almost mark, in the Year 1660.

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ILL the laft century the crown of Denmark was elective; the fupreme legislative authority refided in the three eftates of the realm, the nobles, clergy, and commons, affembled in diet by their reprefentatives; and the executive power was vefted in the king, and fenate compofed of the principal nobles.

The king was little more than prefident of the fenate, and commander of the army; the legal prerogative being circumfcribed by a charter of privileges, which the fovereign figned at his acceffion.

Although the crown was always continued in the fame family, and conferred upon the eldeft fon, yet the new prince was conftrained to purchase his fucceffion by the grant of farther immunities.

But the fingular revolution of 1660 eftablished, almost without the concurrence of the fovereign, an hereditary and abfolute monarchy; exhibiting an inftance, unparalleled in hiftory, of a people, who fpontaneoufly renounced their freedom, and invested their limited governor with unbounded au thority.

Frederick III, the then king, poffeffed in the ordinary occurrences of life, a mild and equable temper, acquiefcing in every event with perfect compofure, and apparently indifferent to ambition or glory. If his dominions had not been invaded by a powerful rival, he would have fcarcely been noticed by his contemporaries. But, as during his reign the very being of Denmark, as a king, was at ftake, and he was called to action by the most immineat danger which a fovereign ould experience, he iud denly furmounted

to justify these proud vaunts. But Frederick, of whofe military capacity no expectation could be formed, roufed by this dangerous crifis of affairs, difcovered at once the most undaunted courage and activity. His zeal was feconded by the undaunted fpirit of his queen Sophia Amelia, princefs of Brunswick Lunenburgh, who was indefatigable in animating the befieged; the partook of their fa tigues; rode night and day round the ramparts, and obferved every occurrence with the vigilance of a centinel, and the coolness of a veteran. The activity of both their fovereigns gave fresh vigour to the garrifon and citizens of Copenhagen. Their zeal was fill further raifed by the policy of Frederick, who extorted from the nobles an increase of the citizens immunities; and pailed an ediét, permitting them to poffefs lands, and to enjoy all the rights of nobility. In a word, by their invincible fpirit, Copenhagen held out from the 8th of Auguft, 1658, to the 27th of May, 1660, when the Swedish army evacuated Zealand.

A diet was then fummoned at Copenhagen to take into confideration the ftate of the kingdom, exhaufted with debts, and desolated by the miferies of war. The imminent danger which had threatened Denmark had no fooner fubfided, than Frederick relapsed into his conftitutional indolence; and feems to have had but a small share in the subsequent revolution.

The diet, which was the laft ever convened in Denmark, aflembled on the 8th of September, 1660. The nobles, infiead of endeavouring to conciliate the other orders by a moderate conduct, increased the public difcontents by the moft arrogant behaviour.

The

The deputies of the clergy and commons united against them; and the citizens of Copenhagen, who having acquired great credit by the glorious defence of the capital, formed a very confiderable party, were highly difgufted with them for remonftrating againft the immunities granted by the king during the fiege. In this ftate and temper of the parties, when the neceffary fupplies were brought forwards, the nobles proposed an excite upon all articles of confumption, and exprefled themselves willing to fubmit to it, although their order was by law exempted from all taxes: they accompanied this offer with a remonftrance to the king, in which they endeavoured, not only to reclaim many obfolete privileges, but to add fresh immunities, and to introduce many other regulations which tended to diminish the royal prerogative, and to check the rifing influence of the two eftates of the commons and clergy. The propofal of fuch a tax, and this imprudent remonftrance, excited great heats in the diet; the clergy and commons contended that the offer was infidious, as the nobles would only pay the excife during their refidence in the towns, and refufe fubmitting to it while they refided upon their eftates. Upon this ground they objected to the tax itfelf in its prefent form; nor would admit it on any other condition than that it should be levied equally on all ranks. The nobles not only perfifted in the plea of exemption, but even refused to be subject to it for more than three years, under the pretence that every impoft was an infringement of their privileges. Being however intimidated by the decifive refufal of the other deputies, they fhifted their ground, propofed new duties upon ftamped paper and leather; and offered, inftead of the excife upon confumption, to pay a poll tax for their peasants. The clergy and commons at first approved these additional impoils, but afterwards retracted, under pretence that they would not produce a fum adequate to the wants of the nation. Inftead, therefore, of the above-mentioned duties, the deputies propofed that the royal fiefs and domains, which the nobles had exclufively poffeffed at a very moderate rent, fhould be farmed to the higheft bidders. This propofal irritated the nobles, who deemed it an infraction of their deareft privileges. In the heat of the conteft upon this article, one of the chief fenators imprudently threw out reproachful expreffions against the commons, which raised fuch a general ferment in the affembly, that the deputies of the clergy and commons broke up the meeting.

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In this struggle the friends of the court began to interpole. It was eafily feen, that the deputies were fo difgufted with the nobles, that they would cheerfully embrace that occafion of humbling the whole order; and no

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way feemed more likely to enfure fuccefs, than rendering the crown hereditary, and exalting the regal prerogative upon the ruin of the nobility. They never could expect that fo favourable an opportunity fhould again occur; the diet was assembled in a fortified town; the citizens were still in arms, and all of them, as well as the garrison, were devoted to the king.

The two principal leaders in this revolution were Svane, bishop of Zealand, and prefident of the order of the clergy, and Nanfen, burgomafter of Copenhagen, and fpeaker of the commons; we have no reafon however to conclude, that they intended to proceed further than to humble the ariftocratical party, and to make fome neceffary changes in the conftitution; but the obftinacy of the nobles enlarged their views, and induced the deputies, not only to think of rendering the crown hereditary, but of vefting the whole power in the hands of the king. While the defign was in agitation, Frederick felt, or affected to feel, an almoft total indifference to the event; and though he expreffed himself inclined to accept the offer of an hereditary fucceffion, if it could be obtained by the unanimous confent of all the eftates, yet he refused to take any active part in the whole proceeding. The queen endeavoured to roufe him from this fupineness; but her influence, which had never before been exerted in vain, proved now ineffectual: being not inclined, however, to follow his example, fhe caballed with the leaders of the clergy and commons; and difplayed that fpirit of intrigue and daring enterprife, which had fo long marked her character in contrast with the mild and paffive acquiefcence of the king.

Upon the feceffion of the deputies, which the obftinacy of the nobles had provoked, the hint of rendering the crown hereditary was firft fuggefted by the bishop of Zealand; and when feveral partizans were gained, a numerous meeting was held at his palace, on the 6th of October, in which the fcheme was laid open and approved. The act for declaring the crown hereditary was drawn up, and the best method of publicly producing it was taken into confideration. The mode of proceeding was now concerted between the chiefs of the party and Gabel the favourite of the king, who held a feparate conference with the bishop and Nanfen that very afternoon. The whole night, and the following day, repeated meflages paffed between fome of the deputies and the emiffaries of the queen, as the king ftill continued neutral, and could not be prevailed on to take any active fhare in an event which fo nearly concerned him.

On the morning of the 8th of October, the bishop of Zealand, obtained the confent

confent and fignature of the ecclefiaftical deputies to the declaration of hereditary fucceffion, delivered it to Nanfen. The latter, in a moft perfuafive fpeech, expatiated upon the wretched ftate of the kingdom, the oppreffive power of the nobles, and the virtues of the king; and concluded with exhorting the commons to fubfcribe the act as the only means of faving their country. Having firit figned it himself, his example was followed by each deputy, without one diffenting

voice.

During these intrigues the nobles remained without the leaft fufpicion; as the commons had, the fame day in which they figned the declaration, debated upon the taxes, and drawn up a remonstrance against the nobles, without any allufion to the more fecret tranfaction.

On the 9th this remonftrance was prefented in form to Frederick by the bifhop and Nanfen; and as they were returning from the palace, they had a violent altercation with the fame chief fenator who had before offended the commons, and who then threatened them with imprisonment for prefuming to approach the king without acquainting the order of nobles. This threat ferved only to fix them more firmly in their refolution; and the fingle circumftance which now remained was, to confult upon the fureft means of extorting the affent of the nobles.

Rumours of this project had by this time reached them; but they had fcarcely affembled to confider the most efficacious methods of rendering it ineffectual, before the deputies of the clergy and burghers entered the hall, and, having taken their feats, Nanfen, after a fhort fpeech, delivered to them the declaration for rendering the crown hereditary in his majefty's family.

The nobles, although they were in fome degree apprized that fuch a measure was intended, were neverthelefs thrown into a general confternation by its being communicated to them in fo fudden and decifive a manner. Conceiving it, however, imprudent in their prefent fituation to negative the propofal, they endeavoured to gain time, and replied accordingly, that though they willing ly gave their affent to the declaration, yet that, as it was a matter of great confequence, it deserved the moft mature difcuffion. Nanfen, perceiving the drift of this delay, anfwered, that they came not to deliberate, but to act: they had already taken their refolution; if the nobles refused to concur with them, they would themfelves repair immediately to the palace, not doubting but the king would gracionfly accept their proffered declaration. While this was paffing in public, the nobles had fecret'y difpatched a meffage to the king, that they were willing to render the crown hereditary in the male line

of his iffue, provided it was done with all accuftomed formalities; a propofal his majefly rejected as a circumflance not defirable, unless the right of fucceffion was extended to the females alfo; adding, with great appearance of moderation, that they were to follow the dictates of their own judgment; as, for his part, he would owe every thing to their free confent, but that he could not accept the offer with the limitation proposed.

The nobles, who were waiting with anxiety for the return of their messenger, kept the bufinets in fufpence by declining their direct affent to the declaration, and propofing a further confideration of the fubject; upon this, the other deputies, apprehenfive of their fecret cabals, and ftill further exasperated against them for their obftinate refusal of concurrence, quitted the affembly, and repaired in folemn proceffion to the court, leaving the nobles in a fiate of diftraction more eafily conceived than related.

The deputies being admitted to the king, the bishop of Zealand addressed his majefly on the refolution taken by the clergy and commons, offering, in their name, to render the crown hereditary, and to invest him with abfolute authority; adding, that they were ready to facrifice their lives in defence of an establishment fo falutary to their country. The king, in his answer, thanked them for their favourable intentions; but mentioned the approbation of the nobles as a neceffary condition, though he had no doubt of their concurrence when they should have had time to accompany the declaration with all the necefiary formalities; he affured them of his protection, promifed a redrels of all griev ances, and difmiffed them with an exhortation to continue their fittings, until they fhould have brought their defign to perfection, and he could receive their voluntary fubmiffion with all due folemnity.

The reader will obferye, with much furprize, that in all the public occurrences previous to this audience, the only affair appa rently in agitation, was to change the form of government from an elective to an hereditary monarchy; no mention had been made of enlarging the powers of the crown, or of the ftill more extraordinary scheme of making the king abfolute. Is it probable, if the no. bles had immediately confented to the declaration, that this ceflion might not have taken place? Was there not a medium between hereditary right, and arbitrary power? Or can we suppole, that according to the system of the Danish law, the latter was neceflarily implied in the former? Something like this, probably, must have been the cafe, as it is hardly poffible to conceive, that when the deputies of the commons and clergy had voted only for the declaration, the bishop of his own accord, fhould have added the gift

of

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