143. venerabile has an active sense, as venerabilis senatus in Deum. Val. Max. i. 1. 15.

144. For the sentiment cf. Seneca de Ira i. 5 § 2 Homo in adiutorium mutuum generatus est ; ibid. ii. 31 ad coetum geniti sumus. M. Aurelius Antoninus is full of similar reflections; cf. ii. 1, Long's edition. 'We are made for co-operation like feet, like hands, like eyelids, like the rows of the upper and lower teeth.' Cf. also id. iii. 4; iv. 4; v. 16, &c., and Börne (Ueber den Umgang mit Menschen), Vieles kann der Mensch entbehren, nur den Menschen nicht. Ihm ist die Welt gegeben; was er nicht hat, ist er. The succeeding lines are a development of the thought expressed in Aristotle, Eth. N. i. 5 qúoeɩ πоλITIKOS äveрaños: cf. Horace, A. P. 391-407, and Sat. i. 3. 100.

147. The thought is from Ovid, Met. i. 84-6 pronaque cum spectent animalia cetera terram Os homini sublime dedit, &c. Cf. too Cic. N. D. ii. c. 56 Deus homines humo excitatos celsos et erectos constituit, ut deorum cognitionem, caelum intuentes, capere possent. So Sallust, Bell. Cat. 1 of animals, prona et ventri oboedientia. Cf. Cic. de Leg. i. 9 § 26 Natura solum hominem erexit, and also Appuleius, Apol. 410 feris et pecudibus os humile et deorsum ad pedes deiectum, &c. The Christians borrowed the idea, like Prudentius, Apoth. ccii. 3. Cf. Burns, Man was made to mourn':

And man, whose heaven-directed face
The smiles of love adorn,

Man's inhumanity to man

Makes countless thousands mourn.'

Thus too, Coleridge in the Address to a Young Ass':
'And most unlike the nature of things young,

That earthward still thy moveless head is hung.'

149. anima, the breath of life: animus the thinking faculty; cf. Sen. Ep. iv. § 4 Animum perducere ad contemptionem animae. Cf. Lucret. iii. 94 for the difference between animus and anima, where both are attributed to man: the mind, animus, identified with mens, is the ruling part of man's body, and is situated in the heart; the anima is spread throughout the body. See Munro's Lucr. iii. 136 sqq.

150. On the early state of human society see Cic. pro Sext. 40 (§ 91). Hume, 'Essay on Justice,' quotes the passage and disputes its correctness. 151. Cf. Cic. Tusc. Disp. v. 2 (§ 5), Cic. de Invent. i. 2.

152. Cf. Lucret. v. 929, 930 Multaque per caelum solis volventia lustra Volgivago vitam tractabant more ferarum. Cf. the following lines. 156. nutantem, 'reeling,'

157. defendier. The only instance of the archaic form of the infinitive in Juvenal, probably used purposely in order to recall such archaisms of Lucretius as reperirier, R. N. iv. 480.

159. sed iam serpentum maior concordia. Cf. Hor. Epod. vii. 11, 12 Neque in lupis mos nec fuit leonibus Nunquam nisi in dispar

feris; Pliny H. N. vii. § 1 leonum feritas inter se non dimicat. Serpentium morsus non petit serpentes. Ne maris quidem beluae ac pisces nisi in diversa genera saeviunt. At hercule homini plurima sunt mala; Sen. Ep. xcv. § 31, de Ira ii. 8; M. Seneca, Controv. ii. 9 neque feris inter se bella sunt. Juvenal's moral is that man must have fallen from a state of innocence, in which state the animals are actually living. Vergil has the same thought of the innocence of animals, Aen. iv. 551 Degere, more ferae, tales nec tangere curas. Boileau imitates this passage in some celebrated verses, Sat. viii. 125 sqq.

161. Had Juvenal been a frequent spectator of the wild beast fights, he would probably never have made the mistake of supposing that tigers and boars do not fight with their kind.

165-174. But now man forges weapons against his fellow man, while primitive men forged instruments to subdue the earth.'

165. Cf. Verg. Georg. ii. 539, 540, under Saturn's reign, Necdum etiam audierunt inflari classica, necdum Impositos duris crepitare incudibus enses; cf. especially the whole of Tibullus i. 10, Pliny xxxiv. 14, Sen. de Ben. vii. 10.

166, 167. sarculum, 'a light hoe'; marra, a pickaxe.'

168. primi fabri: cf. Arat. Phaen. cxxxi. of прŵтoɩ kakóeрyor ἐχαλκεύσαντο μάχαιραν.

170. The expression in full would have been sed qui crediderint; qui understood from quorum. vultus is here used where facies would be

more natural.

171. 'What would Pythagoras say or do if he could see these horrors?' Pythagoras taught the transmigration of souls into the bodies of animals, from which only a pure and pious life delivered them. He was said to have visited Egypt in search of wisdom before settling at Crotona; the idea seems to be, 'What would he think if he could revisit it at present?' Cf. Sat. ii. 1 sq. and 158. On his doctrine of metempsychosis see Cic. de Div. ii. 58, Lukian, Oreipos † 'AλextPVÚV. Ovid, Met. xv. 75, introduces him as expounding the tenets of his own philosophy. He was said to have enjoined abstinence from every kind of flesh, Dio. Laert. viii. §§ 8, 13, 20, 22.

174. ventri indulsit non omne legumen, iii. 229, Hor. Sat. ii. 6. 63, Ep. i. 12. 21, Cic. de Div. i. § 62 iubet . . . Plato sic ad somnum proficisci corporibus adfectis ut nihil sit quod errorem animis perturbationemque adferat. Unde Pythagoricis interdictum putatur ne faba

vescerentur.

SATIRE XVI.

ON MILITARY LIFE: A FRAGMENT.

THIS Satire is either unfinished or mutilated, and, as it falls below Juvenal's ordinary level, its genuineness has been doubted. As Macleane remarks, however, it is difficult to suppose that a forger of some ability would only produce a fragment. Besides, the fatalism of 11. 4-6 is very Juvenalian, and Vagellius, who is attacked 1. 23, is made a butt in Satire xiii. 119. The former of these coincidences at least hardly points to a forgery.

The cast of thought and the diction, then, on the whole, would appear to favour the opinion of those who hold it to be genuine, and the versification seems to be eminently characteristic of Juvenal. Priscian (viii. 31 and 82, ver. 2) and Servius (Aen. i. 16, ver. 6, ii. 106, ver. 42) quote this Satire as being a genuine production of Juvenal's. Weidner and others have pointed out that the composition is obviously unfinished, for, while the poet promises to give us a list of the common advantages of officers and private soldiers, he has given us nothing but certain instances of the communia commoda. The question then presents itself, was the Satire left in its fragmentary and unfinished state by Juvenal, or has a portion of it been lost? Beer, in his Spicilegium Iuvenalianum, gives good reasons for believing that the latter supposition is the true one. The last quaternion of the Pithoean MS. contains folia 72-76, the last folio being tacked on to the end. The principal fact bearing out this supposition is that the sixtieth verse of Satire xvi occurs in the last line of the last page, at the end of the tenth quaternion, that is, at the end of the whole book, as the ancients had it. And whereas the beginnings and endings of all the other books are accurately marked, no mark is attached to the end of this Satire.

It is tempting to speculate in what way the poem was to be completed. Juvenal, if he is the author, never attacks the profession of a soldier in his other writings, but complains bitterly that the soldier was defrauded of his proper reward because promotion went by favour, vii. 92, xiv. 195-197, or because the higher commands were poorly paid, iii. 132, 133. It seems possible that the Satire was intended to show ironically that all the soldier's gains were in certain privileges of dubious equity. He could transfer a civil suit to a military tribunal, where the plaintiff would not dare to follow him; he could get justice without the delays of law; he could will away his own property without reference to his father's wishes; and of course his promotion is fair, for it helps a general very much if his bravest men are correspondingly fortunate. But we may assume Juvenal to have continued in some such train of thought as this-if the man who has made a razzia among the Moors, or demolished the forts of the Brigantes, expects the command due to his merit, he will find that prefects and tribunes are made by court favour, and are nominated for merits quite unconnected with service in arms. It seems a not impos

sible supposition that this conclusion has been suppressed as dangerous. Prof. Nettleship thinks that the attacks on military life which characterize Persius and Juvenal may be an echo from the stage, of which the miles gloriosus had long been a familiar property.

ARGUMENT.

Who can enumerate the rewards of a fortunate soldier, for all depends on fortune, which is even more efficacious than patronage? 11. 1-6.

The soldier's first reward is that he may pummel his enemy without fear of being brought to justice for it, ll. 7-12. The old law, that a soldier must not run away from the camp to plead in the courts, means that any man prosecuting a case before a military tribunal has to run the gauntlet through files of soldiers sympathising with their comrade and wearing hob-nailed boots, ll. 13-25. No friend will attend to give evidence for you in such a case. It is easier to find false witnesses for a civil court than men who will testify to the truth against a soldier, II. 25-34

Then, again, if I have sustained a civil wrong, I have to abide the interminable delays of the law, 11. 35-47; but soldiers, in consideration of their calling, are allowed a prompt hearing, 11. 48-50. Soldiers, too, are the only men who can dispose of their property by will during a father's lifetime, ll. 51-54. Accordingly, the soldier who has made prize-money may count his father among his parasites, ll. 54-56; then again, his promotion is fair, for is it not the general's interest that the bravest man shall be advanced? 11. 56-60.

1. felicis. Military service, if fortunate; for if the camp which I am joining is a fortunate one, I should like to enlist under its propitious star.' The thought in the first six verses is, 'How great is the power of Fortune ! Chance and our good star can do more than even a special message to the god of war from his mistress or mother.' Belief in the great power of Fortune is inconsistent with what Juvenal has said about her power at the end of Satire x; but he is there in a more serious mood than here, and he is probably in this passage echoing the ordinary Roman opinion as to the great power of Fortune: cf. Amm. Mar. xiv. 6. 3 (to the making of Rome) Virtus convenit atque Fortuna plerumque dissidentes, quarum si altera defuisset, ad perfectam non venerat summitatem; cf. Apul. Met. xi. § 249.

praemia, such as pay; gratuities on retirement, consisting in an allowance of money or a part of land; donativa, or special donations of money made by the emperors on special occasions; spolia and military ornaments taken from the enemy, such as torques, armillae and phalerae, which were the common reward of soldiers up to the rank of centurion inclusive; the superior officers received coronae, hastae, and vexilla. The gregarius miles received ten asses a day, Tac. Ann. i. 17, § 6; the praetorian received two denarii, or thirty-two asses. Domitian (Suet. Dom. 7) increased the pay of the legionaries to 300 denarii a year. Gallius is unknown; a lawyer Gallus is mentioned vii. 144.

2. si subeuntur

excipiat. The sequence of tenses is here to be explained by the fact that the regular apodosis to si subeuntur is suppressed: ''tis well,' or something equivalent; excipiat then follows, expressing a wish.

3. pavidum tironem: cf. vii. 194, 195.

secundo sidere. For the general belief in astrology under the empire, and the enormous number of astrologers, see Tac. Hist. i. 22, Boissier, vol. ii. p. 107.

are

5. The thought and diction alike of the witty verses 5 and eminently characteristic of Juvenal, especially the periphrasis to express Juno: cf. Sat. xv. 126. The picture of the influence of Venus on Mars seems to be drawn from Lucretius i. 38 sq. commendo is the regular word for' to introduce by a letter '; cf. Mart. iii. 5. 11 alios commendat epistula; peccat, Qui commendandum se putet esse suis.

6. Samia...harena. Cf. x. 171; cf. Verg. Aen. i. 15, 16 Quam Iuno fertur terris magis omnibus unam Posthabita coluisse Samo. Here she had a very spacious and celebrated temple: Herod. iii. 60; Lactant. Inst. Div. i. 17; Pausan. vii. 4. Apuleius speaks of Samos as only yielding crops when hoed and dug; and harena probably refers to its barrenness.

At the same time the line is mock-heroic, in imitation of the Greek poets : cf. Θυμβραῖς καὶ Δάλιε καὶ Λυκίας ναὸν ἐμβατεύων ̓́Απολλον, &c., Eurip. Rhes. 224.

7-34. 'Let us first discuss the advantages common to all ranks alike, officers and men. There is a camaraderie in the army that makes all its members act together; it is hard to get justice for an injury inflicted by a soldier.'

commoda, a technical word for military privileges,' as appears from Tac. Ann. i. 26 § 5, where the mutinous soldiers complain, novum id plane quod imperator sola militis commoda ad senatum reiciat. Ammian. xxiii. 6 § 83 contrasts the state of the Persian army in his time with that of the Roman army, sequiturque semper haec (the Persian) turba tamquam addicta perenni servitio nec stipendiis aliquando fulta nec donis.

• communia, common to all ranks alike.' The Satire breaks off suddenly without mentioning what were the special privileges of either of these two classes.

8. We should rather have expected ut non ; but the sense is this will be found your greatest privilege: do not let any civilian touch you if you wear uniform; nay, even though he get a thrashing, let him hide it'; Hand, Turs. iv. 42. The common interpretation is that 11. 7 and 8 contain virtually the idea of quod cautum est, which would naturally be followed by ne.

togatus, 'a civilian,' opposed to sagatus, Cic. pro Sulla 30 § 85 cui uni togato Senatus supplicationem decrevit. Cf. the use of paganus 1. 33.

9. The repetition of audeat is emphatic. Dares, say I? why, he