House only to the comment of one other of the parties to it. Mr. Fox, a leading member of the British cabinet in 1782, on the 22nd of June 1785, in one of his fpeeches againft the commercial propofitions, he declares, that no commer cial regulation had been intended by the adminiftration of 1782, in propofing the fecond refolution on the Irish addrefs; "there were, he faid, at that time certainly fome regulations wanting "between the two countries, which were to extend to political objects alone, and not to commercial, "they went to establish what was much wanted, fomething to replace that power, which in their ftruggles for independence, the Irifh had imprudently infifted on having abolished, and "which he had given up, in compliance with the ftrong current of prejudice of that nation, "tho' with a reluctance which nothing but irrefiftible neceffity could have overcome;

"

the

power which he wished to have feen replaced, was that which had fo often been of late under "difcuffion in the Parliament, and which had been varioufly termed, fometimes called com"mercial, at other times external, and frequent

ly imperial legiflation. That power being precipitately abolished, fome fuccedaneum fhould "be found for it, for without one general fuperintending authority, to embrace and comprehend "the whole fyftem of the navigation of the empire,

"it

"it muft neceffarily happen that much confufion "and great inconvenience will take place."

But let me admit, in contradiction to these damning proofs, that this was confidered by both countries as a final adjustment. If practice and experience have proved that it has fowed the feeds of ceaseless contention and periodical rebellion, is there a principle of found policy or common sense to preclude a revifion of it?

Waving for a moment the dignity and independence of imperial Ireland, let us fee how her government in its prefent ftate of connexion with Great Britain must be adminiftered. We admit the dependence of the Crown of Ireland upon the Crown of Great Britain, but there is a diftinct Parliament in each country, exercifing all legiflative functions without reftriction; the unity and dependence of our executive is unqueftioned, but all Legislative authority in either country is denied to the other, not only in municipal regulations, but in every branch of imperial policy, whether of trade and navigation, of peace and war, of revenue, or of the executive government, when it may happen to be committed to a Regency. Between two countries equal in power, fuch a connexion could not subfift for one hour, and therefore, its exiftence muft depend upon the admitted inferiority and masked fubordination

fubordination of one of them. Ireland is that inferior country, and call her constitution inde pendent or dignified, or by any other high sounding title in the Irish Vocabulary, her's must be a provincial government, and of the worst description; a government maintained, not by the avowed exercise of legitimate authority, but by a permanent and commanding influence of the English executive in the councils of Ireland, as a neceffary substitute for it. In the prefent ftate of connexion between Great Britain and Ireland there can be no other bond of their Union. If there be not an implicit concurrence by Ireland, in every imperial act of the Crown, which has the fanction of the British Parliament, and in every article of British Legislation upon imperial fubjects, there is an end of your connexion with the British nation; and I repeat, that the only fecurity which can by poffibility exift for this national concurrence, is a permanent and commanding influence of the English executive or rather of the English cabinet, in the councils of Ireland. Such a connexion is formed, not for mutual ftrength and fecurity, but for mutual debility, it is a connexion of diftinct minds and diftinct interefts, generating national discontent and jealousy, and perpetuating faction and mifgovernment in the inferior country. The first obvious disadvantage to Ireland is, that in every department of the ftate, every other confidera

tion muft yield to Parliamentary power; let the mifconduct of any public officer be what it may, if he is fupported by a powerful Parliamentary interest he is too ftrong for the King's reprefentative. A majority in the parliament of Great Britain, will defeat the minifter of the day; but a majority in the parliament of Ireland against the king's government, goes directly to feparate this kingdom from the British crown; if it continues, feperation or war is the inevitable iffue--and therefore it is, that the general executive of the enpire, fo far as is effential to retain Ireland as a member of it, is completely at the mercy of the Irish parliament and it is vain to expect, fo long as man continues to be a creature of paffion and intereft, that he will not avail himself of the critical and difficult fituation, in which the executive government of this kingdom muft ever remain, under its prefent conftitution, to demand the favours of the Crown, not as the reward of loyalty and fervice, but as the ftipulated price, to be paid in advance, for the difcharge of a public duty.Every unprincipled and noify adventurer who can atcheive the means of putting himself forward, commences his political career on an avowed fpeculation of profit and lofs, and if he fails to negociate his political job, will endeavour to extort it by faction and fedition, and with unblufhing effrontery, to faften his own corruption on the King's Minifters.-English influence is the inexhauftible theme for popular

popular irritation and diftruft of every faðíous and discontented man who fails in the ftruggle to make himself the neceffary inftrument of it-Am I then juftified, in ftating that our prefent connexion with Great Britain, is in its nature formed for mutual debility; that it muft continue to generate national difcontent and jealoufy, and perpetuate faction and mifgovernment in Ireland? I will now ftate with equal confidence that our prefent connexion is formed for periodical kish rebellions, fo often as Great Britain is engaged in a foreign war.

It is a fact of public notoriety that on the acknowledgment of Irish independence in 1782, the firft ftep taken by fome gentlemen of this country, who have been in the habit of confidering the Irish nation as their political inheritance, was to make it a muniment of their title, by forming a political confederacy offenfive and defenfive in both countries. The bafis of this alliance was, mutual engagement to play the independence of Ireland against their political antagonists whenever they happened to occupy the feat of power; and if I am to judge by the conduct of the parties principally concerned up to this hour, to foment turbulence and faction in Ireland even to open rebellion, if it fhould be found neceffary to the removal of an obnoxious British adminiftration.-In profecution of this very laud

able