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ADVOCATE PEACE

VOL. LXI.

OF

BOSTON, JULY AND AUGUST, 1899.

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PAGE. 147-151

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155-157

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I Would Sing of the Future. Poem, J. A. Edgerton.
The Importance of Public Opinion. Hon. Samuel
B. Capen

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167

How Long? Poem, George Shepard Burleigh
Abstract of Annual Report of the London Peace
Society

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168

Song of Peace. Poem, John Ruskin
"Put up thy Sword"
The Cost of It.

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169

No. 7.

from the Western hemisphere, twenty from Europe, and four from Asia. No South American nation was represented. We have been unable to discover why. The delegations were not uniform in size, the United States having six members, Great Britain five, Germany five, France six, Italy five, Russia eight, Belgium three, China three, Austria six, Denmark two, Spain three, Greece one, Japan four, Luxemburg, Mexico, Persia and Bulgaria two each, Holland five, Portugal four, Roumania, Servia and Switzerland three each, Siam four, Sweden and Norway five, Turkey four. There were thirty-two secretaries and attachés of the delegations, though eleven of them had none. Fifteen of the delegations, including all those of the great powers, had military and naval delegates. Adding the honorary president, the general secretary, and five of his staff not connected with the delegations, we find the whole number in and connected with the Conference to have been one hundred and thirty-five.

The delegates were all men of ability and of high 168 standing in their respective countries. More than thirty of them were actual ambassadors and ministers plenipotentiary of their governments to foreign countries. About half a dozen were ex-ministers of foreign affairs, and a number of others were or had been in cabinet positions. been in cabinet positions. There were seven eminent university men, two of whom were presidents. There were several senators and representatives, and two presidents of houses of representatives. In fact, it would be difficult to bring together a superior body of living statesmen, diplomats, jurists and scholars. But, as always happens in such gatherings, only a few were really prominent in the deliberations. This was in part due to the fact that many of the delegates only used moderately the French, the official language of the Conference. The leading men, from the public point of view, were Mr. de Staal, chair

The Peace Conference at The Hague. The Peace Conference at The Hague, which had awakened so much interest and discussion in advance, proved in reality to be all that could have been reasonably expected of it. It was composed of ninety-six delegates from twenty-six nations. The nations represented were the United States, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Belgium, China, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, Japan, Luxemburg, Mexico, Holland, Persia, Portugal, Russia, Roumania, Servia, Siam, Sweden and Norway, Switzerland, Turkey, Bulgaria and Montenegro, the latter having no representatives separate from the Russian. The record shows, therefore, two nations

man of the Russian Commission and president of the Conference, Sir Julian Pauncefote, chairman of the British delegation, Andrew D. White, of the American, Mr. Léon Bourgeois, of the French, and Mr. Auguste Beernaert, of the Belgian. These five men were able, conscientious, of large and generous spirit, and thoroughly in sympathy with the purposes of the Conference. No others exercised so strong a general influence in developing and sustaining the spirit of the gathering.

Closely allied to them was another set of men who were foremost in the practical work of the committees. These were Professor Martens of Russia, Senator Descamps of Belgium, Prof. Louis Renault of Paris, Sir John Ardagh of Great Britain, Mr. Holls and Captain Mahan of the United States, Count Nigra of Italy, Mr. Asser, Gen. Den Beer Poortugael and Mr. Van Karnebeek, of Holland, Baron Bildt of Norway, Mr. Rolin of Siam, and Mr. Kunzli of Switzerland. Many others, of course, were just as able men as these, and were of great usefulness, especially in the work of their own delegations.

As to delegations, the British, American, Russian, French, Belgian, Dutch and Italian were most influential. Belgium and Holland exercised an influence altogether out of proportion to their rank as nations. This was due to the superb abilities and character of their men. The Japanese delegation was an excellent one, and worked steadily to promote the success of the Conference. That from Norway and Sweden did most important service to the cause of arbitration through the powerful support of Baron Bildt. The Swiss delegation, though ably served by Mr. Kunzli, was much crippled through the sudden departure of its first delegate, Dr. Roth, on account of the death of his daughter in a railway accident. The German delegation was composed of very strong men; but the weight of its influence through the first half of the Conference was entirely negative. After its open opposition to arbitration it was brought by a good deal of patient effort into support of the scheme finally adopted. When the disarmament proposals came up it was totally opposed to anything being attempted. It was the only delegation in the Conference which may be said to have shown real opposition to the general drift of the proceedings, except as Turkey and possibly Austria followed in its wake. Most of the smaller powers exercised their influence chiefly by voting.

As each delegation had but one vote, they were as strong in this particular as the greater powers.

The Conference was divided into three sections, and each of the delegations was allowed representation in each of them. The first section dealt with the subject of armaments, and was presided over by Mr. Beernaert, the first Belgian delegate. The second section dealt with the laws and customs of war, and had for its chairman Professor Martens, of Russia. The third section treated the subjects of arbitration and mediation under the presidency of Mr. Bourgeois, of France. Each of the first two sections was divided, the first into army and navy committees, the second into one on the rules of war and one on the Geneva Red Cross Convention. The arbitration section had a Drafting Committee, which became the center of interest of the whole Conference. This Committee had for its chairman Senator Descamps, of Belgium, probably the finest arbitration expert in Europe.

The Spirit and Work of the
Conference.

The Conference gathered with a good deal of scepticism and uncertainty. Many of the delegates knew nothing of peace ideas and peace work. But after the first two meetings, when they had heard the addresses of the honorary president and president, and had seen and become acquainted with each other, a great change came at once over them. A spirit of confidence and determination to accomplish something sprang up. This was fostered and extended by the faithful work among the delegates of Sir Julian Pauncefote, Andrew D. White and others. It was also strengthened by the splendid, sympathetic welcome of the Dutch government, and by the numerous telegrams, letters and memorials which came in from all over the civilized world. After this there was no more hesitation on the part of the delegates in general.

As soon as the committees were arranged they planned their work at once, and from that time until the last report was in there was no trifling. Committeemen worked early and late in the most serious, faithful and methodical way. So far as we could learn, there was perfect freedom and frankness of expression in the committee rooms. The discussions were earnest and differences of opinion on details were many. But there was no dissimulation, no purpose by disguised methods to faces steadily toward the accomplishment of something tangible. They felt that the honor of their governments as well as their own reputation was at

make the work a failure. The members set their

stake.

They felt their responsibility to the great civilized public which was watching them, and in whose interests they had come together. The governments were very fortunate in the men whom they chose. They were serious, practical men, for the most part, and there was very little of what is ordinarily understood by European diplomacy connected with the deliberations. Even the social side of the Conference, which was very marked, was not allowed in any way to interfere with the practical work. The spirit of friendliness, harmony and coöperation was very strong in the Conference throughout the entire two months. This was in a measure to have been expected from the nature of the gathering. But it is remarkable, to say the least, that representatives of twenty-six nations, including all the military powers, with such differing languages, characteristics and traditions, should have come together and labored together so long without any real discord. Even the German opposition to arbitration was no real exception. It was made in a straightforward way. And it was met not with pugnaciousness, but with respect, patience and intelligent appreciation of Germany's position. The German delegates and the German government at home felt the force of the friendly and respectful spirit which was shown them. But for this it is doubtful if they could ever have been brought to support a permanent arbitration scheme of any sort.

There seemed to be no disposition among the delegates to outwit or discredit one another. There was no high handedness on the part of the representatives of the great powers towards those of the small nations. Three or four of the very ablest men present were from the small nations, and they were treated universally according to their abilities and practical good sense, not according to the size of the countries from which they came. The delegates from the secondary powers voted freely their own judgment, not a judgment imposed upon them, and they were in favor practically without exception of a strong, progressive peace policy. The delegates kept in close touch with their governments at home, and there is reason to believe that the spirit of the Conference was due in no small degree to the hearty coöperative disposition shown in the different capitals. This fine spirit which pervaded the Conference has the greatest significance for the future of civilization. It is really of more value than anything which was actually done, important as that may have been. The Czar, it will be remembered, laid stress in his rescript on "international discussion" as a means of discovering the best ways in which to deal with the serious problems now confronting the nations. International discussion of the subjects at issue, carried on in the lofty and harmonious spirit which characterized the Hague meeting, is the strongest possible assurance that the day is not far off when the nations, acting

in their joint human capacity, will put an end to the ruinous institutions which uncommunicative international selfishness and hate have built up. Such discussion marks indeed the opening of a new era for humanity - an era which will develop with a rapidity for which the faith of few of us is indeed prepared.

The Practical Results.

It will be a long time before all of the results of the Conference appear. Chief among these will be a series of special conferences to deal with reduction of armaments, private property at sea in time of war, and kindred international questions. It was considered by leading men at The Hague a foregone conclusion that such congresses will inevitably follow. The American Commission, after a very able presentation of the case by Dr. White and Captain Mahan, secured a nearly unanimous vote, Russia, France, and England voting in the negative, recommending a special conference to deal with the private property question. Dr. White felt strongly that the Conference would fail of its mission if it did not succeed in propagating itself. The meeting at The Hague has finally brought the whole question of international peace and war into the realm of practical politics, and has almost certainly proved to be the commencement of a real parliament of the nations in a much wider sense than any previous international congress has been. been. This in itself is a great practical accomplishIt opens an entirely new era in international affairs. Not only will the effect on the enlargement and development of international law be tremendous, but international relations of every kind will speedily feel the impulse. In just what ways it is needless to speculate.

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The chief of the immediate results is the agreement to constitute a permanent court of arbitration. The extension of the Red Cross Convention to maritime warfare is an important transaction. attempt was made to do this in the Supplementary Geneva Convention of 1868. But the nations never gave their ratification. The Hague Convention, we have every reason to believe, will be ratified. The restatement of the rules and customs of war will doubtless do something to cut off some of the attendant horrors of war. But far and away beyond these in importance is the arbitration scheme which has been framed. We need only give here the general features of the plan, which has already been published in the daily papers. It provides for a permanent bureau at The Hague, with a secretary, archivist and assistants. This bureau shall be under the direction of the foreign ministers at The Hague, under the presidency of the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs. The nations entering into the agreement shall appoint each not more than four jurists of eminence, who shall constitute the board of arbitrators. From these any two

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This plan is somewhat different from any of those which have hitherto been suggested, but it has the valuable features of several of them. It was proposed at The Hague by Sir Julian Pauncefote, who for many years has had much to do with arbitration. It may not be the most perfect scheme which could be devised, and if adopted will doubtless grow into greater perfection. But it is probably as practicable a scheme as could be adopted at the present stage of the development of the principle of arbitration. It was carefully elaborated by skilled diplomats and lawyers at The Hague, and was believed to be more practicable at the present time than a permanent tribunal always sitting. It was generally thought by leading delegates that if this scheme shall go into practice it will prepare the way rapidly for disar

mament.

Along with the arbitration project a scheme of mediation was also agreed upon, and one for commissions of inquiry which, in case of disputes between nations, shall examine into all the facts in the case before the nations proceed further in the matter. We shall reserve for another time further remarks upon the plans, which we hope to publish in full hereafter. So far as arbitration and mediation are concerned, the Conference has been a triumphant success. Nobody expected beforehand that this subject would take the preeminence which it did. But it was the logical thing after all, for war and armaments can only be abolished as positive peace principles and methods come into use.

Even on the subject of armaments much more was accomplished than would appear on the surface. There was a strong disposition on the part of many delegations to stop the introduction of new implements and methods of destruction, and to limit or eliminate some of those already in use; but other delegations were sure that no good could come of any such action. There was a general fear to tackle the subject of disarmament; but it was deeply felt that it was the question above all others pressing for solution, and must soon be grappled with by the governments, and that the Conference could do much to promote it by adopting a good working arbitration scheme. Notwithstanding the outspoken opposition of Germany to any thought of disarmament, when the subject was introduced by Mr. de Staal, a resolution, introduced by Mr. Bourgeois, was finally passed by a large vote, declaring that reduction of the present excessive armaments was an object for which all the governments ought earnestly to labor. So by the adoption of an arbitration court, and by throwing the weight of its virtual condemna

tion against the present armaments, the Conference did much to assure the early consideration of the disarmament problem. We confess our disappointment that nothing more was done. What was done will have much less value than it would have had if some measure of disarmament had been provided for. But this fact and the growing perilousness of the present situation will drive the governments to an early attempt to find relief, either through a special conference or by direct diplomatic negotiations.

The Mohonk Conference.

The fifth Lake Mohonk Conference on International Arbitration was held by invitation of Mr. A. K. Smiley on May 31-June 2. The Conference was made unusually interesting this year because of the meeting at The Hague and the prominence there given to arbitration. The Mohonk meetings continued three days, two sessions being held each day. Mr. and Mrs. Smiley were never more generous in their hospitality, nor happier over the part they have been able to take in promoting the cause of international peace. national peace. The number of eminent men representing all classes and callings was unusually large; particularly was there a good representation of business men. The meetings were again presided over by Ex-Senator Edmunds, who has presided at all the previous Mohonk Conferences, except that of last year, when the lamented Colonel Waring was in the chair. Many new faces were seen among the guests, but a large number of old members were present.

The subjects discussed were "The American Proposals at The Hague," "Is Arbitration Practicable?" "The Proposals of the New York Bar Association," "Causes for Encouragement," etc. Among the prominent persons present were Judges Chester, Gilbert, Stiness and Gilbert, Stiness and Ashman, Hon. Everett P. Wheeler, Mr. Walter S. Logan, Mr. W. Martin Jones, Hon. Robert Treat Paine, Hon. W. L. Scruggs, Hon. W. J. Coombs, Dr. E. E. Hale, Dr. Lyman Abbott, Dr. George Dana Boardman, Dr. P. S. Moxom, Dr. T. L. Cuyler, Hon. Samuel B. Capen, Prof. J. B. Clark, Mr. and Mrs. Edwin D. Meade, Mr. John Crosby Brown, Mr. A. C. Barnes, Presidents Strong and Seelye, Mr. Amos R. Wells, Dr. Richard H. Thomas, Colonel Church, Professor Bracq, Mr. G. C. Mercer, Gen. O. O. Howard, Mr. Edward Atkinson, Mrs. H. J. Bailey, etc.

The discussions, centering chiefly about the subject of a permanent tribunal, were very able and valuable. We are sorry that our limited space this month compels us to defer to another number the publication of more of the noteworthy addresses made. The rule adopted last year was applied again this, and the present policy of the administration was excluded from the debates. The general tone

of the Conference was one of hope and encouragement. All felt that the meeting at The Hague was one of vast importance. A resolution of congratulation and a telegram were sent to the American Commissioners at The Hague. At its closing meeting the Conference adopted the following declaration :

"We urge the immediate establishment of a permanent international Court, which shall be open to all nations for the adjudication of whatever controversies may arise between them, and which they are unable to settle by diplomacy or mediation.

"In the constitution of this Court we urge the application of the same principles which experience has shown to be most conducive to the ends of justice in judicial controversies between individuals.

"In this highest of human tribunals the judges should be selected solely for their recognized ability, learning, and impartiality.

"During the past few years the cause of arbitration has made wonderful progress. Since our last meeting a treaty between Italy and Argentina has been negotiated. This marks a great advance over all former arbitration treaties, in that it provides for the settlement of all disputes that may arise between them, questions of honor not being excepted.

"Within the past year another event of transcendent importance has occurred, in the summoning by the Czar of Russia of a great international Conference to consider how war can be avoided and its burdens reduced. This Conference marks an epoch in the history of the world. It is the first great step toward the federated peace of the world. The Czar is entitled to gratitude and respectful admiration for his noble initiative.

"Earnestly do we hope that the work so auspiciously begun at The Hague will go forward, until at last, and at no distant day, the peace of the world shall rest on the sure foundation of justice, and nations be relieved from the well-nigh intolerable burdens of war.

"We must not forget, however, that the work of that Conference is only preliminary, and that the results of its deliberations must be submitted for ratification to the several governments there represented.

"We, therefore, here earnestly resolve to do what we can to promote popular intelligence and quicken the popular conscience, to the end that when this subject comes before our representatives at Washington there shall be no doubt as to what the people demand in this time of supreme opportunity.

"We believe that the gratifying progress already made and the inspiring hopes which we confidently entertain for the future are because men are learning the moral righteousness of peace, and because God rules the world."

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with other peace workers who were present, was treated with great respect by the members of the Conference and by the officials of the Dutch government. He kept daily in close touch with the proceedings, had many opportunities to see and converse with the delegates, to study the spirit and workings of the Conference, to observe the characteristics of the different delegations, to confer with the European peace leaders, many of whom were present for longer or shorter periods, to talk with newspaper correspondents, etc. During his absence Secretary Trueblood attended and spoke at the annual meetings in London of the Peace Society, of the International Arbitration and Peace Association, and of the Friends' Peace Union. He arrived home on the first

day of July, refreshed by the journey and greatly pleased to have had the opportunity of coming into personal and intimate contact with what will always hereafter be re

garded as, to date, the most important political assemblage of men ever gathered together. The following notes, together with preceding editorials and the report of the proceedings given further on, contain some of his impressions of the Conference and its surroundings.

The Dutch name of the city in which the The Hague. Conference was held, and which seems likely through the permanent bureau of arbitration to be established there to become the capital of the world in some sense, is 's Gravenhage, meaning the Count's Hedge. It was originally a village which grew up about a hunting lodge, subsequently transformed into a palace, built by Count William II. in the forest in the year 1249. As the city has grown it has retained much of the village character. It now has nearly two hundred thousand inhabitants. But as one of the peace visitors said, "It does not seem like a serious city, but a place to rest and play in." It has many wide streets, squares, large rectangular open spaces, with groups and long rows of splendid trees. The city seems to have cut its way into the forest with great respect for the latter. On the north and east the wood (the Dutch call it "bosch") has been preserved in much of its original state, many very old trees still standing. Through these woods walks and drives and avenues have been made, along some of which now run street car lines. There is nothing more picturesque and beautiful in its way in Europe. In the center of many of the streets run canals, so well known everywhere in Holland. "We have in Holland nothing but water and windmills," said one lady. The Hague is one of the cleanest cities in the world. Its hotels are quaint old buildings, erected originally as private places of barons, etc. The newer parts of the city, though thoroughly Dutch in style, are

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