ance.

dom in them, are as independent of state patronage as was his work of suffering. And the first object of their pursuit is, and should always be, the kingdom of God and his righteousness, leaving other things to be added as it shall please God. The blessed Jesus submitted to privations, not because he could not better provide for himself; for he who commanded the wind and the sea, filled the nets of his disciples with fishes, and supplied from a fish's mouth the money for the tribute, could have provided from the storehouse of silver and gold a plentiful abundHe endured poverty, not because he had no relish for the enjoyments of Providence, or would unnecessarily incur want and pain-for he cheerfully accepted the entertainment of his friends, and permitted pious women to minister to him of their substance; but he would teach that the kingdom of God is not meat and drink—that while creature comforts were subservient to his use, he would receive them only as they were willingly ministered, and with the affection and obedience which animated the angels who served him in the wilderness. The offerings of his kingdom are living sacrifices, holy and acceptable, as a reasonable service; and the revenue of his throne are the fruits of the Spirit, which are love, joy, peace, longsuffering, meekness, goodness, and truth. The kingdoms of this world and the glory of them had no attractions for him; and he resisted the temptations to fleshly indulgence, saying, “Man lives not by bread alone, but by every word which proceedeth out of the mouth of God.” His apostles had power to forbear working-as labourers, were worthy of their hire--had full confidence in the goodness and plenty of his provision, and were assured that he who ploweth should plow in hope, and that their Lord had even so ordained, that they who preach the gospel should live of the gospel. Yet were they constrained by his love to work with their own hands, that they might have to give to him that needeth; and that they might

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make the gospel of Christ without charge. Although they had the power to claim the provision for their office, by apostolic injunction and inspired authority, but not by the magistrate's assistance; they declared, "nevertheless, we have not used this power, but suffer all things, lest we should hinder the gospel of Christ."

The Christian religion demands for its adherents no superior title to offices of trust or places of power in the civil community, because of their religious belief. In whatever country, or under whatever constitution, the Christian is placed, he is, by his religious profession, a stranger and a sojourner, and still looks for that "city which hath foundations." His earthly tabernacle, though well fitted for a temporary habitation, is yet not his home, but rather a means of withholding him from the society which he ought to prefer. To" depart and be with Christ," is for him "far better;" and the desire for this change is the more earnestly cultivated, as he is the more nearly conformed to the Christian standard. His pure principles and lofty morality, his disinterested integrity and unwavering fortitude, may, indeed, afford the fullest warrant for confidence in his honour and fidelity, and be the surest pledge for his discharge of whatever offices he is called to fill. Joseph in Egypt, Daniel in Babylon, and his companions in captivity, were found diligent and faithful servants of the government which employed them. They served their God, and benefited their fellow-men, in the high functions which they were called to discharge; but, except the good pleasure of the reigning power under Providence, they had no peculiar claim to be so distinguished. All other nations rank as Gentile kingdoms, and are constituted according to the choice of the people. Christians, indeed, are but few in all lands-the decided minority among the inhabitants-and cannot multiply their number as they please. The sons of God

66 are born not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of God." The testimony of history has been, that those who were most eminent for piety have been least engaged in the world—of whom the world was not worthy; they wandered about in sheep-skins, in goat-skins, being destitute, afflicted, tormented.

Yet, Christians cannot in justice plead for exemption, because of their religion, from their proportionate share of the burdens contingent upon the support of the state, either by personal service or contribution.

The Christian has duties of a particular nature. To governors, and all such as are invested with authority from the state, he owes allegiance, affection, and contribution. When a country is governed, not according to the caprice of a despot, or the cruelty of a tyrant, but conformably with statutes enacted and approved by the will of a community; when law is paramount, and justice is the measure of law, the governors may reasonably exact allegiance from every subject. Yet we do not apprehend that loyalty consists in attachment to persons, families, or dynasties, or that allegiance is to be computed by degrees according to the charters and absolute restrictions which the forefathers, the ancestors of a people, have enrolled in their book of laws. The plastic genius of the British constitution, so susceptible of modification, which yields itself to the changeful and progressive claims of society, and professes to secure to every citizen equal laws, is to us far more an object of affectionate regard and authoritative control, than could have been the laws of the Medes and Persians, or the most amiable and wise, the most mild and benignant, of irresponsible autocrats, or of monarchs who ascribe their sovereignty to a Divine Right. When those in power administer national affairs in a spirit of equality; when they decree justice between man and man; when

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they are a shield to the weak, and a strength for the poor; a help to all who are in need, and executors of law on the lawless and disobedient, then will they share in the veneration and affection of the people. But it would be a perversion of the language of the heart, a confounding and desecration of all the nobler attributes of cultivated and rational society, to recognise a Nero as an object of affection, or to designate the submission and servitude of the Russian serf, the exile of Siberia, as the allegiance of subjects. Where affection is deserved, and allegiance secured, by the benefits of society being justly distributed among all classes, contribution to meet the wants and bear the burdens of the state, will not only be due, but readily and thankfully rendered by every virtuous citizen, both as an equivalent for benefits received, and a tribute of gratitude for the wisdom and moderation displayed.

So far as obedience to human laws does not trench on, or contravene any explicit rule of God, as discovered to the conviction of the citizen, of which he alone can be the judge, his cheerful compliance should be rendered. The obedience of the subject is immediately due to the existing government, in consequence of its possessing the delegated authority of the state; but this obligation we would limit against any compliance that would be construed a breach of duty to God, and would farther restrict it by any instance or degree in which the governors exceed their commission derived from the people. No governor can with impunity be himself guilty of an infraction of the laws; nor will the commands of any ruler make lawful a violation of the express statutes of the realm, or be suffered to shield an offender from the penalties enjoined against a breach of the laws, without great disparagement to the sanctions of justice, and a manifest dissolution of the bonds of society. If a ruler may not enjoin, far less can he enforce, what is contrary to the law

he has been called to administer. But if he can neither enjoin nor enforce what is adverse to human law, he surely cannot, either by legislation or arbitrarily, require any infringement of what is regarded as the law of the supreme God. The governors who assume the power of legislating on religious subjects, while guilty as invading the Divine prerogative, may so far misapprehend the will of God as to enact what he disapproves, or disannul what he has enjoined. Or by imposing Divine principles under human sanctions, they may lower the standard of religious morality. While it is possible that what seems clear, in their apprehension, as the appointment of Divine wisdom, may be most conscientiously regarded by the citizens as contrary to declarations of inspired truth, and a direct offence against the majesty of Heaven. To him that knoweth to do good, and doth it not, to him it is sin: whilst, if any thing be unclean in the estimation of a man, to him it is unclean. Conformity in such a case, if voluntary, would be criminal.

Will the outward compulsion which the magisterial authority can employ alter or enforce the sanctions of God, or convey such change of opinion, as that the offence shall cease according to Divine equity, or in the apprehension of men? Will not rather a constrained observance of what is objectionable involve both magistrate and subject in the condemnation of God? If so, the course is plain with the virtuous citizen for his own sake, as well as in relation to those who have assumed the unlawful authority, and dictated what should have been left to the will of God and the conviction of me. With the reservations which are implied in these observations, and the contingent restrictions, we would urge obedience to "the powers that be," in all that remains as dependent on the authority of men; and we would represent a ready obedience on the part of the Christian citizen, to all things lawfully enjoined as peculiarly obligatory, because especially valuable and useful