fide transaction? It appears to me, my leon. Mr. Ricardo, in one of his able Lords, that the mere statement of the works, has stated that the population of case is enough to prove the impossibi- Russia, in the war against France, were lity of reverting to such a law. Are you actuated, in the support they gave to their then prepared to enter upon a course own Government, by the feeling of aniof policy which, as my noble Friend the mosity engendered by the commercial rePresident of the Council has justly re- strictions imposed by Napoleon. These are marked, will infallibly embroil you with examples which history affords us; and let every neutral State, and which will de- me ask your Lordships, will you, with prive you of that sympathy which, at the these examples before your eyes, commit present juncture, is of so much import- the folly of reverting to a policy which we ance? Upon this subject, my Lords, his- see has been so disastrous in its results; tory teaches us some useful lessons, and, or will you blame a Government for not I must say, that I was surprised to hear acting upon such insane policy? I have the noble Earl, who has brought this sub- observed, with more regret than I can ject under the notice of your Lordships, describe, that this Motion of the noble advert to the case of the great Revolution- Earl behind me appears to be adopted ary War with France, and the commercial by the powerful party opposite, and I policy pursued during that memorable struggle, as an example of wisdom which it would be expedient at present to follow. I will not enter into details, but the broad results of that system of commercial policy I think every man is acquainted with. With regard to ourselves, the enforcement of our belligerent rights, as they are called, involved us in a calamitous war with the United States, and raised against us feelings of hostility over the greater portion of the world, and it also gave rise to a feeling, which even yet is not entirely dispelled, that England is disposed to make use of her great naval power in a manner tyrannical to other nations. Why, even at home, the grievance of the celebrated Orders in Council was such that they were eventually broken down and repealed, in spite of the opposition of a very powerful Government. How did the adoption of such a course of policy succeed in the case of the first Napoleon? The whole continent of Europe was practically under his domination, and his orders were received from one end to the other. Napoleon issued the Milan and Berlin Decrees against commerce, and I THE EARL OF DERBY: My Lords, it think that all the most intelligent observ- was not my intention to have troubled your ers of the events of those days concur in Lordships with a single word upon this thinking that it was mainly to the attempt subject, nor should I have felt myself callto make war upon this country by com- ed upon to do so, or, indeed, justified in pelling all Europe to submit to a most doing it, if it were not for the very extragalling system of commercial restriction ordinary speeches which I have this eventhat the fall of that great man was owing. ing heard delivered by a noble Marquess The effect of the restriction which he im- (the Marquess of Clanricarde) and by the posed was felt an intolerable oppression and noble Earl who has just sat down. The annoyance in every household in everyday noble Earl has infused into the discuslife, and it was the operation of that sys- sion a little more of that party acrimony tem which created that intense feeling in and political animosity than has been apGermany and in Russia which was even-parent in the course of this debate, for up tually the main cause of the fall of Napo- to the time when the noble Earl rose to must say, that in adopting it they incur, I think, great responsibility. I think that they incur a grave responsibility in giving any support to those Resolutions, while they give so little explanation of the reasons by which they have been led to take that course. They have, in adopting this course, given your Lordships new reason to rejoice that the division of last night was such as not to bring into the councils of Her Majesty noble Lords who are prepared to adopt a course of policy so short-sighted and pernicious as I have described. If this Resolution is to be supported by noble Lords opposite, it would make me regard their accession to office not merely with regret, but with dismay. It is by such measures of ill-advised and unreasoning hostility in pursuing an enemy, without considering what would be the effect on the rest of the world, that a great empire might be brought to destruction, and I can only repeat that, if noble Lords opposite support such a policy, I can only view with increased satisfaction the vote at which your Lordships arrived last night. address your Lordships the discussion was about any of these things in the Resolusingularly free from those elements. At tion. But what is the Resolution? I have the same time I am at a loss to know already stated its terms, and I am ready by what perverse ingenuity the noble Earl to admit to the noble Earl-if he will achas persuaded himself that, by assenting cept any admission from me-that, more to this Resolution, the party with which I especially considering the circumstances of have the honour of being connected-a our alliance with France, which has been party which appears to be a special object adverted to in the course of the discussion of animosity to the noble Earl-does in by some of Her Majesty's Ministers, I any way pledge itself to doctrines which should be the last man to advise that we he considers so dangerous, and the dangers should place ourselves upon a footing with and evil consequences of which he has de- regard to belligerent rights which would picted with all the colours of his vivid ima- be at variance with the course adopted by gination. I know not, my Lords, by what France. I am far from contending that parity of reasoning the noble Earl has per- in the present circumstances of the world suaded himself from anything that has it would be advisable or safe for the puroccurred in the course of this discussion, poses of this war to adopt or to enforce that by supporting the present Resolu- the old maritime law of this country, which tion we have been advocating the prin- might expose us to serious risks of increasciple of exposing this country to the risk ing the number of our enemies, and might incurred by Napoleon from the discontent place in opposition to us the neutral Powers and dissatisfaction of the nations of the of the world; but there is nothing of that world, who felt their commerce and their kind in the Resolution of the noble Earl. industry destroyed and stifled by the op- I have been much struck by the variety pressive character of the Berlin and Milan and by the direct contradiction of the ardecrees. I know no parity between the guments which have been used by the two cases; I know no risk which the coun- various noble Lords who have opposed the try would run by this Resolution being Resolution. The noble Marquess, indeed, adopted to its utmost extent; I know no (the Marquess of Clanricarde), made a consequence which could arise which would speech, from the greater part of which I be productive of danger to the country; thought that he was about to assent to the but, on the contrary, I believe that every Motion of the noble Earl, for the whole man in this country, with the exception of point of his argument was that the blockthe noble Earl, has come to the conclusion ade had hitherto been very imperfectly that while the people of this country would conducted that the trade of Russia had willingly submit to the greatest sacrifices, in fact not been crippled as it ought to the greatest privations, and the greatest have been; that it was the duty of this losses, provided those losses and those pri- country to cripple the trade with Russia to vations, carried on and inflicted on the the utmost possible extent; that even now enemy by a Government of energy and the blockade of the White Sea was insufdetermination, tended to bring this war to ficient in point of amount and too late in a speedy and honourable conclusion. But, point of time; that we had done nothing my Lords, with regard to the Resolution to check the trade with Russia, and that itself, which the noble Earl says the Con- it was going on with undiminished activity servative party incur so great a responsi-through Prussia. If, up to this time, bility in supporting, it appears to me to be very nearly approaching to what is called a truism. The Resolution simply de clares, "That it is the opinion of this House that, in order to bring the war with Russia to a speedy termination, it is necessary to restrict the trade with that country by more efficient measures than any which have hitherto been adopted or announced by Her Majesty's Government." Well, therefore, the noble Earl talks of the Berlin Decrees, the adoption of the old maritime system, the danger of a conflict with the United States, and God knows what. Why, there is not a syllable however, the measures which have been concluded, however, by saying— "It is quite true that nothing has been done; it is quite true that more effective measures ought to be taken; but, inasmuch as I have so great confidence in the Government that, in spite of all I have seen, I hope that more efficient measures will be taken, I will not join the noble Earl in expressing an opinion that more efficient measures ought to be taken." But the noble Marquess is entirely at variance with the noble Lord the President of the Board of Trade, who states that most efficient measures have been taken. He says "You do not know how much the trade of Russia has been crippled. You will see very shortly that the trade is stopped. You may fancy that produce is coming in, and that the markets of London are glutted with it; but, in point of fact, we have taken such steps that trade in Russia is at an end; and the people of Russia are suffering the greatest distress from the stoppage of their trade." does so much the more towards obtaining your object of putting a pressure upon your enemy. But what does the noble Earl say to the proposition, or rather the suggestion, of my noble Friend of imposing differential duties upon produce of particular descriptions coming from those two quarters. He says "You will only drive them to take their produce a little further by land, and they will in future take it through Prussia, from Prussia to places they may import it into this country." the ports of Holland and Belgium, and from those True, they may; but does the noble Earl, who has calculated so closely the disadvantages and consequences of raising the price of the raw material, think that that further land passage and further transhipment That is a discrepancy between the noble and more extended voyage would not have Baron and the noble Marquess which I a most material effect in checking the imleave them to settle between themselves. port of that produce, and of so increasing Then comes the noble Earl who spoke last, its cost as to place it at immense disadvanand what does he say? He agrees with tage in competing with produce of the the noble Mover of the Resolution that the same kind, which the noble Earl (the Earl trade of Russia, through Prussia, is going of Albemarle) has shown could be supplied on in the most flourishing manner, and from other countries even more extensively with the greatest advantage to the latter than from Russia. No doubt, if of tallow, Power; and he says that, in the first place, of hemp, and of flax Russia had the excluwe cannot check it; and that, in the se- sive monopoly, instead of supplying only onecond, we ought not if we could; but he tenth, we should be inflicting a grievous adds that it ought not to be checked. He injury upon ourselves by excluding all imsays that to stop the trade through Prussia portation; but when the Russian produce, you must either resort to the principle of the consisting of one-tenth, is brought into comold Berlin decrees and check and paralyse petition with the other nine-tenths, and the whole commerce of the world-you you increase the difficulties and expense of must have recourse to a violation of the transit of the one tenth, you put a most derights of neutrals and of the old maritime cided check upon Russia, and you encou code, or you must interfere by means of rage the cultivation and importation of the the imposition of duties. Now, I will dis-other nine-tenths. But the noble Lord the card the first alternative at once; and I ask, what does the noble Lord say with regard to the imposition of financial restrictions? He admits, at first, that those financial restrictions are means which we have entirely within our own power-that there are no treaties of reciprocity which throw any difficulties in the way of the principle contended for by my noble Friend behind me of the imposition of differential duties upon articles of Russian produce imported from the Baltic or from the Black Sea. But he says, "How do you mean to carry into effect those financial restrictions ?" He treats with great contempt certificates of origin and all regulations of that kind. I do not mean to say that those cretificates of origin may not be evaded and falsified, and rendered comparatively ineffective; but I say that every obstacle which you place in the way of the trade of the enemy President of the Board of Trade lays the greatest possible stress upon the application of that very principle. He says that it is by the more extended transit and lengthened passage that you practically do what he desires to do-and what every one desires to do-always excepting the noble Earl (Earl Grey) namely, cripple the trade with Russia as an effectual means of carrying on the war in which we are engaged. The President of the Board of Trade lays great stress upon that principle; but the noble Earl says "If you do that, what will be the consequence? You will raise the price of those articles to the people of this country; you will expose them to undue competition with foreign manufacturers, and will create a great amount of dissatisfaction among the population." But if that argument is good for anything, it is good for everything-it is as good against blockades as against all restric-| pend upon it that the result upon her, betions of any kind soever. The principle cause upon the interests of the people of is, that you must not raise by financial Prussia, will be, that they will feel that it restrictions the price of Russian produce is much safer to be on friendly terms with in this country-that you must not check England; and feeling the screw which Russian trade, but that you must foster will be placed upon her by the ambiguous and encourage the commerce with that position she holds, and will continue to country in spite of the war. Then, away hold under the supposition of the noble with your blockades at once; do not let us | Earl, she will be more likely to unite hergo to the expense of blockading-or let us self cordially with the Western Powers, hear no more the argument in this House than she will by continuing in her present that you cannot prevent Russian trade, and position, by which she is obtaining great that you ought not if you could. The pecuniary advantages. I will not say in speech and arguments of the noble Earl what particular mode, effect ought to be are absolutely destructive of the whole po- given to the Resolution of the noble Earl, licy of the Government, in attempting to but I do say my noble Friend behind me impose restrictions on the commerce of the has suggested a course, safe, practicable, enemy, destructive alike of the system of and I believe, effectual-one which is not blockade and of the system of restriction, open to the arguments and objections which however you may attempt to check, thwart, have been raised by the noble Earl oppoor control the trade of Russia. Those are site, but is in accordance with the princithe doctrines of the noble Earl; those are ples maintained by IIer Majesty's Governnot the doctrines of the House of Com- ment and by the noble Marquess, and one mons, or of the House of Lords; they are which I believe would have a powerful not, I will venture to say, the doctrines of effect without interfering with the comthe people of England; and to attempt, merce of the world, and without, except upon such doctrines and such principles, to in a trifling degree, deranging the comconduct a great war with a powerful nation merce of this country; for the noble Earl is of all conceivable absurdities the most has shown that of all articles now of Rusabsurd. One word, before I sit down, sian produce we can probably obtain from upon another point. What says the noble elsewhere an abundant supply, and that Marquess against the prohibition imposed we have abundant stocks in hand at the by financial duties upon the transit trade present moment. I say my noble Friend of Russia? He says that it is a measure behind me has shown the mode in which of all but direct hostility against Prussia, this Resolution may be carried into effect, and that it would be next door to pro- without being open to the objection of the voking Prussia to go to war. At the noble Earl, and in accordance with the present moment the feelings and the principles of Her Majesty's Government; sympathies of the people of Prussia are and feeling that the facts which he alleges strongly in accordance with the Western are almost undisputed, and that the prePowers in spite of the opposition of their sent measures have not been effective, I Government; but there is one principle, cannot conceive upon what principle I can one question, which may exercise with the refuse to give my assent to a Resolution, people of Prussia an influence adverse to the object of which is to carry on the war the Western Powers and favourable to the with vigour, and which states that to effect continuance of the present state of things, that object, it is necessary to restrict the that is the pecuniary interest derived by trade with that country by more efficient Prussia from the profitable trade which is measures than any which have hitherto driven in Russian produce arising out of been adopted or announced by Her Majesthe facilities offered her by the present ty's Government. state of the law respecting neutrals, and which may tend to destroy any sympathy that she might otherwise feel. Deprive her of that advantage, impose commercial restrictions that will take away that artificial stimulus, and destroy the profit she derives from the existing state of things, and so far, in my judgment, from that being a motive on the part of Prussia to a hostile fecling against you, you may de EARL GREY, in explanation, said, he had to apologise to the noble Earl who had just sat down, for imputing to him the extremely restrictive principles in favour of which some noble Lord had spoken, and with whose observations he understood the noble Earl to have agreed. THE DUKE OF ARGYLL observed, that the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) had stated that the argument in favour of Argyll List of the NorT CONTENT. DUKES. Newcastle MARQUESS. Clanricarde EARLS. further restrictions on their trade was an EARL FITZWILLIAM observed that, though he neither felt the apprehensions expressed by the noble Earl on his left (Earl Grey), nor agreed with the strictures of the noble Earl on the other side (the Earl of Derby), he thought the conduct of Her Majesty's late or present Ministers who were almost identical-had been such as to impose upon him the necessity of voting in favour of the Resolution of his noble Friend, and he did so the more willingly because he believed it would stimulate the Government to throw off their inertness and prosecute the war by more energetic measures. THE EARL OF ALBEMARLE in reply, said, not a single argument he had used had been answered. True it was, that observations had been attributed to him against which the arguments had been levelled the giants had been first raised and afterwards killed, but nothing had been urged against the Motion, which remained. unshaken. Aberdeen Carnarvon Harrowby Ilchester VISCOUNTS. Canning Torrington BISHOPS. Chester BARONS. Ashburton Broughton Byron Foley Rivers Saye and Sele Stanley of Alderley Vivian Resolved in the negative. —mmmm... HOUSE OF COMMONS, Tuesday, May 15, 1855. MINUTES.] PUBLIC BILLS.-1° Formation, &c. of 2o Alterations in Pleadings. 3° Spirit, &c. Duties (Excise); Sewers (House Drainage). RAMSGATE, &c., HARBOURS. MR. MACKINNON: Sir, on the present occasion I feel myself bound in duty to come forward and move for a Committee, or obtain a promise that some steps will be taken to diminish or do away with the charge of tolls on ships, both British and foreign, passing the Channel on one side or the other of the Goodwin Sands. I do so in consequence of the directions of the Committee on Ramsgate Harbour, of which I was Chairman. As briefly as I can, I will state to the House the facts of the case. About a century ago, the harbour of Ramsgate was concluded, in the 32nd year of George III., an Act was passed by the Legislature naming trustees for Ramsgate and authorising them to levy a duty or toll of from 2d. to 3 d. per ton on every vessel, British or foreign, that passed up or down the Channel, these tolls to be levied on |