From The Quarterly Review. as nor would reporters be excluded from a MANY and various are the distinctions of statesmen. The greatest are those to whom genius and opportunity come in equal and harmonious measure. One in a short career of thirteen years adds a new nation to Europe, and dies in middle age. Another is the last combatant in a struggle of three centuries. Long after his work is completed he remains the arbiter of Europe. One, in a time of reaction, supplies the world-wise caution and the hand-to-mouth expedients for keeping Europe quiet and repressing agitation. He succeeds in staving off the coming in foreign countries. The imagination revolution, but leaves a name which is a cannot so easily penetrate into the circle byword to men of progress. Another is of his daily difficulties. He lives, or is the champion of little causes, and fights supposed to live, in an atmosphere of hopelessly on the losing side. He sup- treaties, alliances, European concerts, and ports particularism when the party of Asiatic intrigues. He speaks in teleunity is certain to triumph, and defends phones, writes in telegrams; his nod is a the weaker of two rivals against the inev-command, and his commands are transitable preponderance of the stronger. He may enjoy one moment of good fortune. A political arrangement framed as a compromise, but more enduring than the circumstances which brought it to birth, calls for some one to conclude it. The serviceable hand is ready. Without embarrass-hungry stock-jobber and the scheming ing traditions, or hampering enmities, the adroit contriver brings just the proper amount of wisdom, of pliancy, and of management to his task. The champion of expiring forces finds himself evoking one which by an accident endures. Beust was not a Cavour, nor a Bismarck, nor a Metternich, but he will live as the creator of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. lated into all the languages of the earth. When the Olympian comes forth from his armory, how is he to demean himself? He cannot make speeches without telling secrets, and in secrecy lies his power. He must be guarded at once against the dowager. He has only two resources • Memoirs of Friedrich Ferdinand, Count von said to have been present at the battle of Leipzig. The courtyard of his father's farm was full of armed men, who were leading off the cows, and he saw the Bash. change at once from the combinations of high policy to the persiflage of a salon. The brilliancy which sparkles before our eyes must illuminate the wisdom of serious hours. When the memoirs are pub-kirs of the Russian army shooting with lished, the veil is lifted. The narrative of public work is hopelessly dull; the wit which coruscated round it is stale and flat. The jaded reader feels that, after all, only a small modicum of wisdom is needed to conduct the affairs of the world. It is the taciturn observer who becomes the amusing and brilliant writer. Our interest in the chief actor is only kept alive by the intrinsic importance of the affairs in which he was engaged. These reflections naturally occur to us after reading the memoirs of Count Beust and Count Vitzthum, which appeared at about the same time, and cover much the same ground. As statesmen, the two men stand in very different categories. Thousands know the name of one who never heard of the other. Yet while Vitzthum's memoirs, even in an English dress, sparkle with interest, and abound with wisdom and observation, those of Beust are almost unreadable in our tongue, and could not have been lively in their original language. Still, they cover, with knowledge and insight, an important but very obscure chapter of recent history, and that history we will endeavor to make intelligible to our readers, even if we fail to make it attractive. Frederick Ferdinand, Baron Beust, was born at Dresden on January 3, 1809. His family came from the mark of Brandenburg, where their ancestral seat, Büste, lies not very far from Schönhausen, the ancient home of the Bismarcks. On the day of his birth, he tells us, he was drunk. His father, in delight at his arrival, sent the nurse a dozen of hock more than a hundred years old. The nurse, a Wend who understood no German, thought the wine was for a bath, and used it for that purpose. The baby slept for twenty-four hours, and could eat no solid food for several years. Nevertheless it attained, after a life of hard work, to a good old age, seventy-seven years. His first years were spent in the decline of the first Napoleon, and as a child of four, he may be arrows at the windows. His grandmother told him stories of the roughness of Napoleon's manners; how when a guest at the palace of Dresden, sitting next to the queen, he ordered the chamberlain in the middle of dinner to serve the ices. Beust was at least educated for a statesman — a training which has become very rare in our day. At the age of seventeen he went to the University of Göttingen, which shares with Strasburg the distinction of having possessed at various periods a real school of politics. He attended Hugo's lectures on Roman law, those of Eichhorn on German law, those of Hereen on history, of Bouterwek on logic, of Sartorius and Saalfeld on politics, and of Blumenbach on natural history. He attended six lectures a day three times too much for our more languid English students — and took copious notes. After a year, he removed to Saxony, where society and beet drinking occupied more of his attention. The good seed, however, which had been sown at Göttingen was not wasted. Saalfeld's lectures on politics determined him to the diplomatic career. Beust entered the Saxon Foreign Office in 1831, when Europe was quivering from the shock of the July Revolution. The system of Metternich was rudely shaken, although it was able to hold out for seventeen years longer. It is difficult to realize the terror with which the overthrow of the Bourbons was received throughout Europe. Calm-minded Germans, like Niebuhr, saw in it the return of 1789, and prophesied another Reign of Terror, and another Napoleon. During his first ten years of duty Beust served in Berlin and Paris; the first, the stronghold of legiti macy, more conservative than Vienna itself; the second, the centre of fashion and culture, where the salon had not yet become extinct, and the best female influence reigned supreme. He dined, before his departure, with the king at St. Cloud, where Louis Philippe kept up his reputation as a bourgeois monarch by carving at I time. his own table, and carving badly. Leav-| considerable effect in the affairs of his Thus spake Bavaria's scholar king, "I've lost my throne, lost everything, The great revolutionary storm of 1848 called Beust from London to Dresden. The war of the Sonderbund in Switzerland, in which the four forest cantons, together with Zug, Freiburg, and the Valais, were ranged against the others, and were secretly supported by France, Austria, and Prussia, was the first cause of the outbreak. When General Dufour had in less than a month crushed the seceding provinces, the courier sent to them by Guizot with advice and encouragement found the revolution at an end, and had to recross the Alps with his despatches unopened, the laughing-stock of Europe. The disgust thus aroused against Guizot, who, on the occupation of Cracow in De Vienna to be at an end, and who now used these same treaties as a pretext for supporting the Jesuits, gave a death-blow to the kingdom of July. Beust expresses a belief that, if Louis Philippe had shown his former energy of mind, and if the Dục d'Aumale and the Prince de Joinville had been in Paris, the revolution of February might have been averted, and Thiers have taken quietly the place of Guizot. It is seldom that such far-reaching phenomena It is more difficult to agree with him that Ludwig would have been elected German emperor in 1848. His fame as a dilettante and a Lothario would have ob-cember, 1846, had declared the treaties of scured his reputation for patriotism and wisdom. At Munich Beust married a Catholic wife, and came almost immediately afterwards to England as resident minister. He tells us that the greatest part of his diplomatic career was spent in this country, and that he looks upon it as his second home. His heart always rejoiced at the sight of Dover, although he was fully conscious of the dreary monotony of English life, and the lack of amusement. Beust was well known in English | can be hindered or modified by such slight society, and these pages may fall under the eyes of many who were personally acquainted with him. He was present at Sir Robert's Peel's victory on the Repeal of the Corn Laws, and at his defeat on the Irish Coercion Bill. He found a strong party opposed to those views of the development of Germany, with which his name was to be closely identified. Prince Albert, who was then taking that place in the politics of England and Europe which was to become more and more predominant up to the time of his early death, was in favor of a united Germany under the supremacy of Prussia, in which Austria should play only a secondary part. The same views were held by Bunsen, the Prussian minister, and Prince Leiningen, the queen's half-brother. They were strengthened in the background by the opinion of Baron Stockmar, who, from an obscure position, contrived to produce a causes. The flame spread rapidly over Italy, Germany, Poland, and Ireland. It seemed at first as if timely concessions in Germany could avert further mischief. The demands made, in the first instance, upon the Baden Estates for freedom of the press, trial by jury, and a national army, were met by the appointment of a Liberal minister. The example was followed in Würtemberg and Saxony, and Beust was asked by the king to lend the weight of his experience to the conduct of foreign affairs when the other departments of government were swayed by men who possessed more enthusiasm than knowledge. This compromise did not last long. The battle of the barricades, which, beginning on March 18th, raged for fourteen hours in the streets of Berlin, ended in the entire defeat of King Frederick William IV. He was forced to stand with bare head, his queen fainting at his side, in the courtyard of the palace, | life of Beust is inseparable from the hiswhile the bodies of the insurgents who tory of his native country; for the last had fallen at the barricades were carried thirteen of them he swayed its destinies by in procession. emperor of the Germans, which should be hereditary in his family. It was agreed that this post should be offered to the king of Prussia. It was obvious that this step would exclude Austria from the new empire. Indeed, no sooner was the decision of the Assembly announced, than the Austrian Diet which had been sitting at the archbishop's palace at Kremsier in Galicia was dissolved, and a public declaration was made that, in any future ar as prime minister. A new outbreak was The victory of the Liberals demanded at hand. The National Assembly at new sacrifices, and Beust made way for the Frankfort had great difficulty in deterRadical Pfordten, and returned to Lon- mining the crucial questions of the condon. He expresses a belief with charac- stitution, what should be the limits of the teristic optimism that, had he continued new empire, and who should be the head in office, he could have averted the storm. of the State. It was at last settled that To the embassy at London was soon there should be an upper and a lower house added that of Berlin, so that Beust, astride elected by popular suffrage, and that the across the North Sea and the flats of En-head of the State should bear the title of gland and Germany, obtained from Lord Palmerston the nickname of "the Colossus of Rhodes." As Beust passed through Frankfort, on his way to Dresden and Berlin, the National Assembly which had been elected to draw up a constitution for Germany was sitting in the Church of St. Paul. He attended a meeting, at which he expected a discussion as to whether the Germany of the future should be a republic or a monarchy. No member was allowed to speak more than ten min-rangements, the Austrian Empire would utes, and if Beust had not decorated his remain one and indivisible. The Frankhat with the national cockade of black, fort constitution was accepted by Baden red, and gold, his diplomatic character and twenty-seven other governments, but would not have saved him from insult. He was regarded with suspicion by Saxfound Berlin, which even in our own days ony, in company with Bavaria, Hanover, looks as if the soldiers had just captured and Würtemberg. These south-German it, in the hands of the civic guard without States were not ready to acquiesce in the a uniform. Here he heard of the victories exclusion of Austria, nor in the supremacy of Radetsky, the Austrian field-marshal, at of Prussia. The Saxon Chambers were Custozza and Goito, and of the occupation ready to accept the constitution; but, by of Milan. On October 30th, 1848, Vi- Beust's advice, the king deferred his conenna was stormed by Windischgrätz, and sent. The immediate result of this was a week later Robert Blum, the child and the insurrection of May, 1949. Beust, darling of the people, the leader of the however, thinks that acceptance of the Left in the Frankfort Assembly, the im- constitution would not have prevented the passioned speaker in the Aula of Vienna, outbreak; and he instances the case of and the fearless combatant in the free Baden, which had to undergo for several corps, was shot as a rebel. Beust hap- weeks what Dresden suffered only for six pened to be in company with Bismarck days. The Saxon Parliament was dis for the first time, when the news of Blum's solved on April 30. On May 3 the popu execution arrived. He characterized it lace attacked the arsenal, to furnish themas a blunder, a verdict which experience selves with arms, but were driven back by has justified; but Bismarck said, either the soldiers. The citizens arrived; bar. with passing cynicism or in sober earnest: ricades were erected in all the streets. "You are quite wrong; if I have an enemy On May 4 the king retired to the fortress in my power, I must destroy him." Beust of Königstein. A provisional government was not likely to forget this in after years. was formed, with a Liberal, Tzchirner, at A few days later General Wrangel_en- its head. The movement rapidly changed tered Berlin without a struggle, the Par- its character, and the red flag was substiliament was dissolved, and the old condi- tuted for the German tricolor. Beust tion of things was re-established. A passes over this episode lightly, but tells reaction followed throughout the Germanus that he went to Berlin for assistance to States, and, carried back by the wave, Beust was again appointed minister for foreign affairs. From February, 1849, to August 19, 1866-seventeen years and a half the suppress the rising. The Prussian troops made their appearance on May 6, but took three days in conquering the barricades. The old Opera House, and part of the Zwinger Palace, were burnt down. Hap pily, the "San Sisto" of Raphael did not | pflug, nothing daunted, pronounced Hesse fall a victim to the flames. On the even- to be in a state of siege. The officials ing of May 9 the great barricade at the and the people maintained a passive reentrance of the old market was carried, sistance. The electoral court removed the insurrection was at an end, and the from Cassel to Wilhelmsbad. When a insurgents had to provide for their per-military dictatorship, established under sonal safety. Among the fugitives was General von Haynau, attempted severe Richard Wagner, who had been conductor measures, nearly the whole of the officers at the Dresden Opera House. He took in the Hessian army resigned their comrefuge in Switzerland and France, and missions. The three monarchs who met Beust was able, some years later, to allow at Bregenz in October, 1850, the emperor him to return to Dresden. of Austria, and the kings of Bavaria and Immediately after the insurrection Beust Würtemberg, determined to put down this went to Berlin, to prepare that amended disturbance. An imperial execution was form of the Frankfort constitution, which ordered, and an army of Austrians and was known as the League of the Three Bavarians entered Hesse. Prussia, proKings. It was mainly the work of Gen- testing against this outrage, occupied eral von Radowitz, who represented Prus- Cassel, and the armies of the two great sia. The three kings were the monarchs German powers were ranged opposite to of Prussia, Saxony, and Hanover; Austria | each other at Fulda. The thunder-cloud and Bavaria would have nothing to do was dissipated just as it was about to with it. The principal alterations were burst. The Hessian officials were comthat the new federal State was to be con-pelled to give in, by billeting soldiers on fined to those countries which accepted them. A conference was held at Olmütz the constitution, and that the emperor of in November, which determined that the Germans was changed into the presi- Austria and Prussia should act together, dent of a Board of Princes, each having a vote. In other respects the constitution received a more conservative character than before. It was understood that the presidency was to be in the hands of Prussia. The antagonism between the two leading States of Germany nearly led to war. The conflict, which eventually broke out in 1866, was nearly ripe for explosion sixteen years earlier. The Chambers, called into existence by the League of the Beust received the news with a counThree Kings, met at Erfurt in March, tenance which made his doctor think that 1850. Austria, as an answer to the chal- he had got the jaundice. He felt like a lenge, summoned a plenary assembly of man who loses a game of whist by his the German Diet to meet at Frankfort in partner's bad play. According to the auSeptember. Thus two governing bodies, thority of Prince Bismarck and the present each claiming to be supreme in Germany, emperor of Germany, Prussia was quite were ranged in opposition; the Board of unprepared, and the Austrians might have Princes, under Prussia, Saxony, and Han-occupied Berlin. In Beust's opinion, the over, and the Diet, under Austria, Bavaria, and Würtemberg. Two burning questions awaited the solution of both assemblies; the war between Denmark and the duchies in Schleswig-Holstein, and the constitutional struggles in electoral Hesse. Hassenpflug, the prime minister of this little province, was posing as a Strafford in miniature. The Chambers refused supply until the budget was laid before them. They were dissolved, and new Chambers elected, which pursued the same course. The collection of imposts was ordered by edict. The officers of the customs refused to recognize a command which violated the constitution, and the law courts ceased to enforce the use of stamps. Hassen both in Hesse and in Schleswig-Holstein, for the restoration of peace. Strangely enough, the compromise was regarded as a humiliation of both parties. Prussia was forced to carry out the measures of a government opposed to her in principles and politics, and Austria lost the opportunity of dealing a fatal blow to Prussia, and placing herself, once for all, at the head of Germany. war of 1850 would have been shorter than that of 1866, and Prussia would have been defeated, and would not have lost a single village. One of the reasons for hesitation was undoubtedly the youth of the emperor of Austria, who had just come to the throne with a policy of peace and progress. The conferences of Olmütz were continued at Dresden by Schwarzenberg and Manteuffel, under the eye of Beust. Their object was to find some means of reconciling the views of Austria and Prussia, as to the organization of German unity. They led to no result. Beust himself was in favor of what was called the Cursus, that is, the alternate presidency of the two great powers.. Count |