el

that day is not for me to describe. But while there was benevolent joy in heaven at his deliverance, I do not know whether there was not some selfish joy, on earth, because a burden was taken away, or whether some of his friends might not rejoice for his sake, that he was released, and God had not suffered their patience utterly to fail.

When the burden was gone, and his friends and supporters came to reflect on his character as decidedly and unquestionably pious, and the scenes through which he had passed, they realized more the preciousness of that treasure which God had committed to their trust, and lamented that they had not served Christ, in this afflicted member, with more patience and cheerfulness. Indeed they could not keep their thoughts from ascending to the awful tribunal, nor their imagination from seeing the separation of the multitude to the right and left, and hearing the Judge say, to them on the right hand, “Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom, prepared for you from the foundation of the world: for I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat: I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink: I was a stranger, and ye took me in: naked, and ye clothed me: I was sick, aud ye visited me: I was in prison, and ye came unto me." Also, "to them on the left hand, Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels: for I was an hungered, and ye gave me no meat: I was thirsty, and ye gave me no drink: I was a stranger, and ye took me not in: naked nad ye clothed me not: sick and in prison, and ye visited me not:"Verily I say unto you, inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these, my brethren, ye did it not to me.”

PH. PS.

CALCULATIONS ON THE EXPENSES OF WAR.

IT is a remarkable trait in the human character, that taxes and various pecuniary sacrifices of a public nature are endured with greater cheerfulness to support war, than for any or all other purposes, however good and desirable. This has been a permanent characteristic, wherever men have been associated together. Some few individuals have formed exceptions, wherever Christianity has been received; but their influence has been too limited to make a national exception. The attention of the reader is invited to the following prop osition, for the truth of which I appeal to history and observation: There never has existed a nation, the mass of whose population would not bear heavy taxes to carry on war, however unnecessary and unjust, with less murmuring and less

opposition, than for any other purpose under heaven. I say witla less murmuring, because the people will murmur on account of any heavy tax. But while they will only murmur against a burdensome war-tax; they would utterly refuse to pay the same amount for any other purpose. The opposition to a heavy tax imposed to promote internal improvements, to build and endow colleges, and support schools, &c. &c. would commence perhaps in murmurs; but would increase till it spoke in a voice of thunder to the ears of rulers. And there is not a government on earth which would not be compelled to relinquish heavy taxes imposed for such purposes. Wars are admitted by all Christians to spring from the wickedness of man. Many question the lawfulness of defensive war, and all allow that no war can be justified by both parties, and that many wars can be justified by neither. It may safely be assumed, therefore, that all the money paid to prepare for, and support war, is a tribute paid to human depravity, voluntarily on the part of most, by constraint on the part of some. Admitting the lawfulness of defensive wars, it is obvious that such wars could not exist were it not for the injustice and violence of man; so that all war-expenses, however incurred, must be placed to the same account; and, at the last and great audit, they must all be reckoned to some party or other, as so many blessings perverted and abused.

After indulging in this train of reflections, I was induced to make the following caleulations, as to the expenses actually incurred by the Christian world, in a single year, in the prosecution of the existing wars. The year I take is from Sept. 10, 1812, to Sept. 9, 1813, inclusive; not because the expenses can be accurately defined by those dates, but because some other calculations may be thus defined. I admit that this has been the most expensive year of war, which the Christian world ever experienced, both in lives and property. Still many years have been nearly as expensive, and the cost of war has always been enormous.

It appears, then, that the government of Great Britain raised for the service of the country in a single year, the enormous sum of 103,000,000 sterling, the whole of which was provided for by Parliament last summer. Perhaps it will be said, that as part of this sum was borrowed, it cannot be called a war expense of this year. But the objector will admit, on a moment's reflection. that if the money borrowed should never be paid, it would be a war loss on the part of the lender, as every farthing borrowed for the support of war is actually expended. Consequently whenever the principal is paid, it will be paid as a war expense of this year. The

interest will be a war expense of the several years when it is paid. Thus that part of the 103 millions, which is expended in paying the interest on previous loans, is a war expense of this year; as all the British debt was accumulated by war loans; though what is paid into the sinking fund to diminish the principat of the old debt ought in fairness to be deducted from the war expenses of this year. This sum, I should judge from what I remember of the sinking fund, cannot exceed the odd 3 millions.

The expenses of government, as it would exist in a time of perfect peace, and when no preparations were made for any apprehended war, would be a comparatively small sum. When it is constdered, that only a million a year is allowed for the expenses of the king and court, the principal judges, and what is called the civil list, it will be admitted, that five millions would be an abundant allowance for all the usual purposes of government, as it might be administered if wars did not exist. Indeed, that sum would support government in a style of great dignity and splendor, beside fostering the arts and sciences. The remaining 95 millions sterling, or 422 millions of dollars, may be set down as war expenses.

In addition to this sum is to be reckoned the losses of individuals by the hand of violence, not included in the nationat expenses. As Great Britain has not been invaded, these private losses are confined to depredations on commerce by French, Danish and American public ships and privateers. Taking into view the losses in commerce from the mother country to every part of the world, and from colony to colony, I think the amount can hardly be less than $18,000,000. Perhaps it will be said, that what is lost by one nation in this way, is gained by others. This is not true. It is thought by men of intelligence and judgment, that the whole amount of captures in modern war does not exceed the expenses of fitting out and supporting privateers. A few individuals may grow rich on the spoils of the innocent and unsuspecting; but the great mass of adventurers are loosers. In short, privateering is like gambling; few gain permanently; nearly all loose.

In estimating the expenses of the continental powers, during the year under consideration, the known regular revenue will be but a miserable index. All those powers raised money by a thousand extraordinary methods, and borrowed, besides, to the full extent of their credit. We must, therefore be limited only by the ability of the people to pay, and of the governments to borrow.

Bonaparte has had a million of men under arms, scattered throughout France, Italy, Spain, and his German tributaries, on an avarage, for the last five years. Probably that number has been invariably exceeded, except for three or four months last winter. At the beginning of the Russian campaign of 1812, if we consider the vast number of armed men stationed in every part of his dominions, the number occupied in garrisons, the amount of all his armies in Spain, and the vast military force with which he invaded Russia, we shall be convinced he had 1,200,000, men in arms, to which must be added at least 100,000 as teamsters, couriers &c.He was obliged to support many of these men at great expenses, and at a vast distance from home. The number of horses to supply the cavalry, artillery, and waggon train of all his armies, and to keep up the communication with all parts of his empire, could hardly be less than 500,000. From Prussia alone he took 40,000; in the waggon train of his northern army 80,000 were employed; a part of the cavalry and artillery of a single army lost, according to his own account, 30,000 in a few nights, after that army had been greatly diminished, and was in fact, nearly ruined. Considering these things, and that he kept up his naval preparations, building ships, filling arsenals, and repairing fortifications of ports; that he maintained his military schools and trained multitudes of his conscripts not actually numbered with his forces; we shall be convinced he could not have expended less than $600.000,000, in supporting war. To this sum may fairly be added what is necessary to repair his extraordinary losses in the Russian campaign, in artillery, ammunition, small arms, horses, &c. &c. which may be moderately estimated at $20,000,000.

In the remaining part of the estimate I shall be less particular, and give only the results.

I calculate therefore, the public warlike expenses of Sweden, Denmark, Russia. Prussia, Austria and the neighboring provinces to be at least $500,000,000; and the private expenses, i. e. the loss by the burning of Moscow, and other towns in Russia, and the partial desolation of an immense tract of country from Moscow to the Elbe, and three hundred miles on that river, to amount to $300,000,000; the public expenses of Spain and Portugal at 100,000,000, and the destruction of private property at 30.000,000; the public expenses of the United States at $40.000.000; and the private losses at sea at $10,000.000: the public expenses and private losses of the British colonies in North America, the West Indies, and Asia, (not brought into the account of the

government at home,) at $100,000,000. It is to be considered here, that the British East India Company support a large military force, the expenses of which are not reckoned in the national accounts. To these sums add $100,000,000 for the public expenses and private losses sustained in Mexi co, and the Spanish rich colonies in South America, in consequence of their civil wars.

RECAPITULATION.

Expenses of Great Britain in a single year, in conse

$422,000,000

18,000,000

quence of war

Losses of individuals in Great Britain

Expenses of France and her tributaries

620,000,000

Of Sweden, Denmark, Russia, Prussia, Austria and the

Of the British colonies in all parts of the world
Of the Spanish colonies

100,000,000

100,000,000

Amounting to the goodly sum of

$2,260,000,000

This sum would form a sufficient circulating medium for the whole commercial world, and at 6 per cent. (which is about the average interest of the several countries,) would produce a yearly income of $135,600,000.

But I have not done with expenses. The loss of a young man, in the prime of life, is a loss of property. The town of Groton, in Connecticut, lost in a single day, a large part of its able-bodied men, in consequence of Arnold's infamous invasion of his native state. The town was filled with widows, and bereaved parents. By the loss of life only, it was impoverished and nearly ruined. From the shock of a single day this town has not recovered in more than thirty years. Reader, how many such towns do you think there are in Europe?

Let it not be thought, that I suppose the loss of life can be compensated with money; but so far as the loss of life involves a pecuniary loss, it is proper to consider it in that light.

The celebrated Dr. Lettsom, in a letter dated at London, about the middle of August 1818, says. "I compute that half a million of young people have died by violence, within twelve months past. in blood thirsty Europe." The Doctor wrote before the late sanguinary conflicts in Germany: yet his computation is too small. The probability is, that from Sep