are the grand instruments in the hands of Providence for the government of man; and no labors can be more worthy of the disciple of Providence than that of deducing the will of God from the course of events—of ascertaining the Divine signature by which institutions are sanctioned or prohibited.

Whatever beauty there is in mathematical science, it is embodied here; for the relations of number and quantity, remaining immutable, exhibit a new series of results. Whatever beauty there is in mechanical science resides in this also; for no powers are so mighty, and nowhere are they so variously combined as in the mechanism of society. Whatever beauty there is in chemical science, is present here also; for there is a strong analogy between the mutual action of natural and moral elements. Whatever beauty there is in moral science appears preeminently here; for hence we draw our inductions, and construct our theories, and here or nowhere we must try the principles in which both result. Hither the finger of God directs us when we inquire for an oracle to expound to us the state, and prophecy the futurity of the race which He has destined to be lords of the earth, as a preparation for becoming citizens of a better state.

If there be any who think natural indications of the Divine will insufficient, and who look into the Bible for a sanction for their studies, as well as for other things, we beg to refer them, not only to the implied principles of political economy which abound from the first peopling of the earth up to the apostolic institutions, but to as full and clear an exemplification as can be found in Adam Smith. Dr. Cooper points out that in the parable of the ten talents, inexplicable to all who do not understand the principle on which it proceeds, the great truth is illustrated, that capital hoarded and buried, instead of being applied productively, does not yield its result of good. It is true, this is only one applica

tion of the general law of increase which was adduced for a moral purpose by him who spoke the parable: but it is good political economy, and they who wish it may plead a gospel sanction for its pursuit.

Our author, who is not only the first professor of this science in his college, but the proposer of such a professorship, has done good service to the cause we have been advocating by the zeal with which he enforces the advantages of its pursuit. He vigorously and perseveringly exhorts his countrymen to study political economy, and urges our example upon them; by which, as we have seen, he does us too much honor. The lectures before us are what they pretend to be, elementary, and we doubt not have done all the more good for keeping clear of the abstruser parts of the science. They comprehend as much as it is reasonable to expect the bulk of students to learn, - as much as would regenerate our country if fully understood by our statesmen, and pressed upon them by the people. Dr. Cooper's style is strong and lively, a great advantage where this class of subjects is in question. He pins his faith to no man's sleeve, but takes and leaves opinions as his judgment directs, after an extensive survey of the works which have issued from various schools. He goes a great way with Adam Smith, of course; a great way with Say, Ricardo, Malthus, and Mill; combining their leading opinions into a system with which we have only trivial faults to find. Our great objection is to his deficiencies of arrangement. We cannot, indeed, discover any principle of arrangement; and cannot but wonder that, much as he admires Mill, he should not have followed his, which appears to us the natural, and therefore palpably fit mode of evolving the principles of the science; namely, by classing them under the heads, Production, Distribution, and Consumption,-interposing Exchange if it should be thought desirable to treat separately of this method of distribution.

We must gratify ourselves by giving one extract, in which is implied a valuable sanction of our preceding arguments.

"Much difficulty and deplorable mistake have arisen on the subject of political economy from the propensity that has prevailed of considering a nation as some existing intelligent being, distinct from the individuals who compose it, and possessing properties belonging to no individual who is a member of it. We seem to think that national morality is a different thing from individual morality, and dependent upon principles quite dissimilar and that maxims of political economy have nothing in common with private economy. Hence the moral entity the grammatical being called a NATION, has been clothed in attributes that have no real existence, except in the imagination of those who metamorphose a word into a thing, and convert a mere grammatical contrivance into an existing and intelligent being. It is of great importance that we should be aware of this mistake: that we should consider abstract terms as names, invented to avoid limitation, description, and periphrasis-grammatical contrivances. and no more: just as we use the signs and letters of algebra to reason with, instead of the more complex numbers they represent.

"I suspect it will be very difficult for us to discover a rule of morality, obligatory on individuals, that would not apply to nations considered as individuals; or any maxim of political economy that would not be equally undeniable as a rule of private and domestic economy; and vice versa. The more effectually we can discard mystery from this and every other subject, the more intelligible it will become; and the less easy will it be for designing men of any description to prey upon the credulity of mankind. It is high time that the language and the dictates of common sense, founded upon propositions easy to be understood, and easy to be proved, should take place of the jargon by which our understandings have been so long cheated.

"Those maxims of human conduct that are best calculated to promote a man's highest and most permanent happiness on the whole of his existence, are the only maxims of conduct obligatory on individuals. There is no other rational basis of moral obligation; for what can be put in competition with the greatest sum of happiness upon the whole of a man's existence? There are no rules of morality there is no such thing as virtue or vice, but what originated from our connexion with other creatures whose happiness may, in some

What rules of morality

degree, be affected by our conduct. can affect a man condemned to pass his days alone on an uninhabited island, or in solitary confinement within the walls of a prison? In like manner, those rules of conduct which are best calculated to promote the mutual happiness of nations, in their intercourse with each other as individuals, constitute the only maxims of the law of nations obligatory on all, because calculated for the permanent benefit of all. So, in the domestic concerns of a nation, those rules and maxims of conduct which, upon the whole, are best calculated to promote the permanent happiness of any nation, that is, of the individuals who compose it in the capacity of members of a political economy, are the laws really obligatory upon that nation; and the force of the nation is properly exerted to carry them into effect when enacted, against any individual who may contravene them: always taking for granted that those laws are enacted, not for the benefit of rulers, but with a view to promote the greatest good of the greatest number of citizens composing the community. This, then, is the true origin of moral obligation, whether applied to national aggregates of individuals, or to any individual of the number. For what stronger or higher obligation can be suggested than to pursue and practise systematically those rules of conduct which can most effectually and permanently secure our own happiness upon the whole? What higher or

different motive can we have? It will be found, on examination, that the particular rules and maxims, comprehended in this general expression of them, are the same, whether applied to the conduct of one individual or ten, — of ten, or ten thousand, or ten millions."―pp. 28-30.

A SUMMER EVENING DIALOGUE BETWEEN AN ENGLISHMAN AND A POLE.

Pole. You should not ask foreigners to praise your country till you can show it them under such an aspect as this. Its rural scenes should be entered upon at this very hour of this very season. I have told you that you should approach Heidelberg at sunset, and Venice when the full moon has risen, and Genoa when the sun first peeps up from the sea. Abroad, I would say, traverse the harvest fields of England, when they wave in the golden light of an August evening.

Englishman.Is the beauty of our landscape peculiar? I should have thought, without any allusion to your own unhappy country, that you had seen many such prospects as this in the flourishing agricultural regions through which you have travelled.

Pole. I have traversed many corn districts, during both seed-time and harvest; and the song of the vine-dressers, and the chant of the reapers, are alike familiar to me. But there is a beauty in your rural districts which I discern in no others. The haze on the horizon, which tells that a busy city is there, enhances the charm of the balmy solitude; and yonder lordly mansion among the woods, and the peasant's cottage in the lane, give a grace, by contrast, to each other.