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1. As regards the number and local limits of constituencies, and the number of representatives.

COUNTIES.

tion of any scheme for reforming or im- | the alterations made by the Reform Acts proving the constitution of the Commons' of 1832: 2 Will. IV. c. 45, England; House, originating within the assembly. 2 & 3 Will. IV. c. 65, Scotland; 2 & 3 It would require volumes to describe the Will. IV. c. 88, Ireland :operation and effects of this great political machine during the period that followed -the period of its most absolute perversion to ministerial and to party purposes, and at the same time to trace the fearful and fluctuating conflict thus excited and protracted between the vitiated constitution of the house and the growing strength and intelligence of public opinion. It is no matter of conjecture; it is a momen-members: viz. two for each county of tous and significant fact in the history of this great political institution, that it was "the pressure from without," and that alone, forcibly stimulated, indeed, by the recent success of a popular revolution in France (July, 1830), that drove the House of Commons to compel, first, the formation of a ministry pledged to amend the constitution of the representative body in general, and secondly, by adopting and perseveringly supporting the measure of amelioration consequently brought forward, to force the acquiescence of the hereditary chamber of the legislature in this degree of purification of the representative.

One of the most important operations of the British House of Commons during the period above mentioned, was the enacting of the statute, passed in 1800 and taking effect from January 1st, 1801, by which it incorporated the parliamentary representation of Ireland with that of Great Britain. For the previous history of the Anglo-Irish representation, and the degree of alteration made in it by the Act of Union, we refer to PARLIAMENT OF IRELAND. Sixty-four members for counties, thirty-five for cities and boroughs, and one for Dublin university, were thus added to the number of the British House of Commons. In this instance, as in that of the Scottish union, the ancient proportion between the city and borough representation was reversed, and an additional weight consequently thrown into the scale of the county representation of the United Kingdom at large.

The following is a view of the present state of the representative system, with

ENGLAND AND WALES.-The number of county constituencies before the Reform Act was 52, returning collectively 94 England, except Yorkshire; four for the latter county; and one for each county of Wales. The several cities and boroughs which are counties-corporate were excluded from the limits of the several shires within which they were locally situated: viz., from Carmarthenshire, the town of Carmarthen; from Kent, the city of Canterbury; from Cheshire, that of Chester; from Warwickshire, that of Coventry; from Gloucestershire, that of Gloucester; from Yorkshire, the town of Kingston-upon-Hull and the city of York; from Lincolnshire, the city of Lincoln; from Middlesex, London; from Northumberland, the town of Newcastle-uponTyne; from Dorsetshire, Poole; from Worcestershire, the city of Worcester · and from Hampshire, the town of South ampton.

The Reform Act increased the number c constituencies to 82, by dividing into two electoral districts each of the 25 counties in schedule F of the act: constituting each of the three ridings of Yorkshire a distinct district for the same purpose; and in like manner severing the Lindsey division of Lincolnshire from the other portion of that county, and the Isle of Wight from Hampshire. The number of county members was raised from 94 to 159, as follows:-Two are assigned to each division of each of the counties in schedule F and of Lincolnshire; two to each riding of Yorkshire: one member is added to each of the seven undivided counties included in schedule F 2 of the act; one to each of the three Welsh counties of Carmarthen, Denbigh, and Glamorgan; and one is assigned to the Isle of Wight, separately from Hampshire.

of 143 borough members struck out of the old frame of the representation.

Of the distribution of this number among the new constituencies of the United Kingdom (as the total number of members remains unaltered), we have here to speak only of the portion assigned to the populous parliamentary boroughs now created in England and Wales. To these was transferred the election of 63 members out of the 143 thus taken from the old constituencies. Of the 43 new boroughs, 22, containing each a population of 25,000 and upwards, and including the great metropolitan districts, were empowered to return two members each; and the remaining 21, containing each 12,000 inhabitants or upwards, to send one member.

SCOTLAND. The number (30) of county constituencies and of county members, as existing before the Reform Act, remains unaltered. But for two of the 27 counties which returned one member each, viz., Elgin and Ross, are substituted Bute and Caithness, which before sent only in alternate parliaments; and the remaining six counties, instead of electing alternately as before, now return jointly as follows:Elgin and Nairn, one member; Ross and Cromarty, one; Clackmannan and Kinross, one. To the last-mentioned electoral district are also annexed three whole parishes, and part of two others, detached by the act from the shire of Perth, and one entire parish from that of Stirling. And, to obviate the inconvenience arising from the great irregularities in the boundaries of some of the Scottish counties, it is enacted that all detached portions of counties shall, for election purposes, be held to be in the several shires within which they are locally included.

IRELAND. The Irish Reform Act of 1832 made no change in the county representation as to local limits or number of representatives; two members were still returned for each of the 32 counties.

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CITIES AND BOROUGHS.

ENGLAND AND WALES.-The whole number of the cities and boroughs, or districts of boroughs, previously to the act, was 208, returning collectively 415 members. For total extinction as parliamentary boroughs, those were selected the population of each of which, according to the parliamentary returns of 1831, was below 2000. Within this description came the 56 English boroughs which returned collectively 111 members. For reduction from the sending of two representatives to that of one only, those were selected the population of which, according to the same census, was under 4000. These were the 30 English boroughs from whose proportion of the representation 30 members were deducted; to these must be added two members deducted from the four formerly sent by the united boroughs of Weymouth and Melcombe Regis; making altogether a total

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Contributory Boroughs added by the
Reform Act in Wales.

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2 | boundary. A large agricultural district was also annexed, for the purposes of parliamentary election, to each of the four boroughs of Aylesbury, Cricklade, East Retford, and New Shoreham. And as regards the Welsh districts of boroughs, it may be observed that the principle laid down in the act of Henry VIII., that all the boroughs in each county should share the representation-a principle which the arbitrary interference of the Crown, and the decisions of election committees, had since rendered in many instances inoperative-was now restored in its full vigour.

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In the important matter of boundaries, two great objects were to be attained; the fixing of appropriate limits to the boroughs of large population newly created, and the extending the limits of the old boroughs in the many instances in which a considerable population had, in the lapse of ages, accumulated without the ancient

SCOTLAND. The number of town representatives was raised from 15 to 23; two instead of one being assigned to the city of Edinburgh; two to that of Glasgow; one to that of Aberdeen; one each to the towns of Dundee and Perth; and one each to the large modern towns of Greenock and Paisley. As regards the districts of burghs, their number, their general locality, and their proportion of members (one to each district), remain nearly as before; but as regards the particular places joined in the respective districts, various alterations were made by the Reform Act. Some towns were disfranchised, and others which had formerly been unrepresented were included. The great increase in the population of the maritime vicinity of Edinburgh has occasioned the creating of one district entirely new, comprising the three towns of Leith, Portobello, and Musselburgh, without, however, increasing the previous number of districts, the towns in the old arrangement being all distributed in the new. New and suitable parliamentary limits are assigned in the schedules of the act, as well to the several ancient boroughs as to those newly created.

IRELAND. In the list of cities and boroughs which sent representatives, no alteration was made by the Irish Reform Act; but two members each, instead of one, were assigned to Belfast, Galway, Limerick, and Waterford, thus raising the whole town representation from 35 members to 39. The limits of the parliamentary boroughs are defined, and to the greater number of them new limits are assigned by the Boundary Act.

UNIVERSITIES.

One member was added by the Irish Reform Act to the one previously returned by the University of Dublin.

2. Elective Franchise.

COUNTIES.

he may have in it. By 18 Geo. II. c. 18, § 5, it was enacted that no person should vote for a county until he had been for twelve calendar months in actual possession of the rents and profits to his own use, except in particular cases. But by the statute of 1832, by § 26 it is enacted that no person shall be registered as a freeholder or copyholder, unless he was in actual possession of the rents and profits for six months previous to the last day of July of the year wherein he claims to be registered. Leaseholders and their assignees, and yearly tenants, must have occupied for twelve months before the same period, except in the cases excepted by the above-mentioned statute of Geo. II. Value, therefore, has now become the criterion upon which, in many cases, the right of voting wholly depends; and in all cases it is a most material subject of inquiry, in order to determine in what character, whether as freeholder, copyholder, leaseholder, or occupier, an elector should make his claim to be registered.

ENGLAND AND WALES.-Until the Reform Act, the parliamentary franchise in counties had remained without extension or alteration, as limited full three centuries before by the statutes of the 8th & 10th of Henry VI., the former of which confined the right to such "as had freehold land or tenement to the value of 40s. by the year at least, above all charges;" the latter to "people dwelling and resident within the county, &c., whereof every man shall have freehold to the value of 40s. by the year." In order to render a man a freeholder, and complete his qualification for voting, it was necessary not only that he should have a freehold nterest in his lands and tenements, but that he should hold them by freehold tenure: consequently copyholders, hold- 1. If lands or tenements are held at ing by what is technically termed base a yearly rent of 50l., bare occupation as tenure, as well as termors, having only a tenant from year to year is sufficient to chattel interest in their estates, were ex-qualify; no further interest in the lands, cluded from voting. Doubts having been raised as to the right of copyholders, it was expressly enacted by the 31 Geo. II. c. 14, that no person holding by copy of court-roll should be thereby entitled to vote. The Reform Act extends the franchise by admitting not only copyholders, but leaseholders, and even occupiers, under certain limitations; and abridges in some cases of freeholds not of inheritance, as also in all cases of land situate in a city or borough, and which, being occupied by the proprietor, would give him a parliamentary vote for that city or borough. In establishing the right to the county franchise, questions of tenure and interest have become of comparatively little importance, except as they are connected with value; for now what is commonly, though improperly, called a tenant at will (that is, from year to year) occupying land of the annual rent of 501. has a right to vote for a county, without reference to the tenure by which the lessor holds the land, or the interest that

&c. being necessary, and it being immaterial by what tenure they are held. 2. So also is the occupation of lands, &c. of 50l. yearly value, as sub-lessee or assignee of any under-lease, which lease was created originally for a term of not less than 20 years, how small a portion soever of the original term may remain unexpired. 3. The original lessee of a term created originally for 20 years, of lands of 50l. yearly value, or the assignee of such term, is entitled to vote in like manner, whether or not he is the occupier of such lands. 4. The occupier of lands of 101. yearly value, as sub-lessee or assignee of any under-lease of a term of not less than 60 years.

5. So likewise the original lessee or the assignee of such a term of the lands of 10l. yearly value is entitled, whether occupying or not; nor is the nature of the tenure material in any of the above cases; but twelve months' possession previous to the last day of July of the year in which he claims to be re

gistered is required in all. 6. The being seised of an estate-whether of inheritauce or for a life of lives-whether freehold, copyhold, or of any other tenure, to the like yearly value of 10., entitles.

Freehold lands or tenements of 40s. yearly value, § 18, are still sufficient to give a vote in the four following cases:1. If it be an estate of inheritance. 2. If not an estate of inheritance, but only an estate for life or lives, if the elector was seised previously to the 7th of June, 1832 (the day on which the act received the royal assent,, and continues so seised at the time of registration and of voting. 3. If acquired subsequently to that day, if the elector be in actual and bona fide occupation at the time of registration and of voting. 4. Or if acquired subsequently to that day, if it came to the elector by marriage, marriage settlement, devise, or promotion to any benefice or any office.

Of freehold or copyhold estates six months' possession, and of leasehold estates twelve months', is required, previously to the last day of July in the year of registration, except they come by descent, succession. marriage, marriage settlement, devise, or promotion to any benefice or office.

Now, also, it has become material to consider how the lands or tenements are locally situated, §§ 24, 25: for if they are freehold within a city or borough, and in the freeholder's own occupation, so as to confer a right to vote for such city or borough-or if copyhold or leasehold, and occupied by him or any one else so as to give the right of voting for such city or borough to him or to any other person-they cease to qualify for a county

vote.

However, by the 18th section of the act, an express reservation is made of all existing rights of suffrage possessed by county freeholders, provided they are duly registered according to the provisions of the act itself.

SCOTLAND.-Under George II. enactments were made which rendered the proving of the old forty-shilling votes yet more difficult, so that many more of them disappeared, and at the close of the last century very few remained. Although

the Scottish act of 1681 enacted that the right of voting should be in persons publicly infeoffed in property or superiority of lands of 40s. old extent, or of 400l. Scots valued rent, thus making a distinction, it should seem, between property and superiority, yet it was constantly interpreted to mean that superiors, that is, tenants-in-chief, or persons holding immediately of the crown, were alone entitled to vote. Thus proprietors of estates of whatever value, holding from a subject, were excluded from the franchise. It is computed that in several counties nearly one-half the lands were held in this manner, and in the whole kingdom one-fifth of the lands were so held. The class of landholders thus excluded comprised not only the middling and smaller gentry, and the industrious yeomen and farmers who had inherited or acquired some portion of landed property, but also some men of estates worth from 500l. to 2000l. per annum; while many persons, who had not the smallest actual interest in the land, possessed and exercised the elective franchise. When a person of

great landed property wished to multiply the votes at his command, his course was to surrender his charter to the crown, to appoint a number of his confidential friends, to whom the crown parcelled out his estates in lots of 400l. Scots valued rent, and then to take charters from those friends for the real property, thus leaving them apparently the immediate tenants of the crown, and consequently all entitled to vote. This operation being open as well to peers as to great commoners, they availed themselves of it accordingly, thus depreciating or extinguishing the franchises of the smaller proprietors. This legal fraud began in the last century, and was chiefly practised subsequently to the accession of George III. Among the various modes by which it was performed, the most common were by life-rent charters, by charters on wadset or mortgage, and by charters in fee. The parliamentary representation of the Scottish counties therefore had, according to the expression of a learned lord, 'complely slid from its basis." The total number of county 'voters, as compared with the number of persons directly

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