this principle. Yes; this was potent enough session, on the slavery agitation, to distinguish for it, and must be early arrested if the Union it from other sessions about that period: but was to be preserved. A man must see little into what is going on if he did not perceive that the subject was revived; and in a way to force this spirit was growing, and that the rising discussion, and to constitute a point for the regeneration was becoming more strongly imbued trospect of history. with it. It was not to be stopped by reports on paper, but by action, and very decided action."

Every memorial and petition had been disposed of according to the wishes of the senators from the slaveholding States; but Mr. Calhoun The question which occupied the Senate was deemed it due to those States to go further, and as to the most judicious mode of treating these to obtain from the Senate declarations which memorials, with a view to prevent their evil should cover all the questions of federal power effects: and that was entirely a question of over the institution of slavery: although he policy, on which senators disagreed who con- had just said that paper reports would do curred in the main object. Some deemed it no good. For that purpose, he submitted a most advisable to receive and consider the pe- series of resolves-six in number-which detitions-to refer them to a committee-and rive their importance from their comparison, subject them to the adverse report which or rather contrast, with others on the same they would be sure to receive; as had been subject presented by him in the Senate ten done with the Quakers' petitions at the be-years later; and which have given birth to ginning of the government. Others deemed doctrines and proceedings which have greatly it preferable to refuse to receive them. The disturbed the harmony of the Union, and palobjection urged to this latter course was, that pably endangered its stability. The six resoIt would mix up a new question with the lutions of this period ('37-'38) undertook to slavery agitation which would enlist the sym- define the whole extent of the power delepathies of many who did not co-operate with gated by the States to the federal government the Abolitionists-the question of the right of on the subject of slavery; to specify the acts petition; and that this new question, mixing which would exceed that power; and to show with the other, might swell the number of pe- the consequences of doing any thing not authortitioners, keep up the applications to Congress, ized to be done-always ending in a dissolution and perpetuate an agitation which would other- of the Union. The first four of these related wise soon die out. Mr. CLAY, and many others to the States; about which, there being no diswere of this opinion; Mr. CALHOUN and his pute, there was no debate. The sixth, without friends thought otherwise; and the result was, naming Texas, was prospective, and looked forso far as it concerned the petitions of individuals ward to a case which might include her annexaand societies, what it had previously been-ation; and was laid upon the table to make way half-way measure between reception and rejection-a motion to lay the question of reception on the table. This motion, precluding all discussion, got rid of the petitions quietly, and kept debate out of the Senate. In the case

of the memorial from the State of Vermont, the proceeding was slightly different in form, but the same in substance. As the act of a State, the memorial was received; but after reception was laid on the table. Thus all the memorials and petitions were disposed of by the Senate in a way to accomplish the two-fold abject, first, of avoiding discussion; and, next, condemning the object of the petitioners. It was accomplishing all that the South asked; and if the subject had rested at that point, there would have been nothing in the history of this

for an express resolution from Mr. Preston on the same subject. The fifth related to the territories, and to the District of Columbia, and was the only one which excited attention, or has left a surviving interest. It was in these words:

"Resolved, That the intermeddling of any State, or States, or their citizens, to abolish slavery in this District, or any of the territories, on the ground or under the pretext that it is immoral or sinful, or the passage of any act or measure of Congress with that view, would be a direct and dangerous attack on the institutions of all the slaveholding States."

The dogma of " no power in Congress to legislate upon the existence of slavery in territories" had not been invented at that time; and, of course, was not asserted in this resolve,

The second resolution of Mr. Clay applied to slavery in a territory where it existed, and deprecated any attempt to abolish it in such territory, as alarming to the slave States, and as violation of faith towards its inhabitants, unless they asked it; and in derogation of its right to decide the question of slavery for itself when erected into a State. This resolution was intended to cover the case of Florida, and ran thus:

"Resolved, That any attempt of Congress to abolish slavery in any territory of the United States in which it exists would create serious

the senator from South Carolina would consent to such an amendment; but in their present form he must give his vote against them."

The general feeling of the Senate was that of entire repugnance to the whole movement-that of the petitions and memorials on the one hand, and Mr. Calhoun's resolutions on the other. The former were quietly got rid of, and in a way to rebuke, as well as to condemn their presentation; that is to say, by motions (sustained by the body) to lay them on the table. The resolutions could not so easily be disposed of, especially as their mover earnestly demanded discussion, spoke at large, and often, himself; "and desired to make the question, on their rejection or adoption, a test question." They were abstract, leading to no result, made discussion where silence was desirable, frustrated the design of the Senate in refusing to discuss the abolition petitions, gave them an importance to which they were not entitled, promoted agitation, embarrassed friendly senators from the North, placed some in false positions; and brought animadversions from many. Thus, Mr. Buchanan:

"I cannot believe that the senator from South Carolina has taken the best course to attain these results (quieting agitation). This is the great centre of agitation; from this capital it spreads over the whole Union. I therefore deprecate a protracted discussion of the question here. It can do no good, but may do much harm, both in the North and in the South. The senators from Delaware, although representing a slaveholding State, have voted against these resolutions because, in their opinion, they can detect in them the poison of nullification. Now, I can see no such thing in them, and am ready to avow in the main they contain nothing but correct political principles, to which I am devoted. But what then? These senators are placed in a false position, and are compelled to vote against resolutions the object of which they heartily approve. Again, my friend, the senator from New Jersey (Mr. Wall), votes against them because they are political abstractions of which he thinks the Senate ought not to take cognizance, although he is as much opposed to abolition, and as willing to maintain the constitutional rights of the South as any senator upon this floor. Other senators believe the right of petition has been endangered; and until that has been established they will not vote for any resolutions on the subject. Thus we stand: and those of us in the North who must sustain the brunt of the battle are forced into false positions. Abolition thus acquires force by bringing to its aid the right of petition, and the hostility which exists at the North against the

It is in vain to say

doctrines of nullification.
that these principles are not really involved in
the question. This may be, and in my opinion
is, true; but why, by our conduct here, should
we afford the abolitionists such plausible pre-
texts? The fact is, and it cannot be disguised,
determined to sustain the rights of the slave
that those of us in the Northern States who have
States at every hazard are placed in a most em-
barrassing situation. We are almost literally
between two fires. Whilst in front we are
assailed by the abolitionists, our own friends in
the South are constantly driving us into posi-
tions where their enemies and our enemies may
gain important advantages."

And thus Mr. Crittenden:

"If the object of these resolutions was to produce peace, and allay excitement, it appeared to him that they were not very likely to accomplish such a purpose. More vague and general abstractions could hardly have been brought forward, and they were more calculated to produce agitation and stir up discontent and bad blood than to do any good whatever. Such he knew was the general opinion of Southern men, few of whom, however they assented to the abstractions, approved of this method of agitating the subject. The mover of these resolutions relies mainly on two points to carry the Senate with him: first, he reiterates the cry of danger to the Union; and, next, that if he is not followed in this movement he urges the inevitable consequence of the destruction of the Union. It is possible the gentleman may be mistaken. It possibly might not be exactly true that, to save the Union, it was necessary to follow him. On the contrary, some were of opinion, and he for one was much inclined to be of the same view, that to follow the distinguished mover of these resolutions-to pursue the course of irritation, agitation, and intimidation which he chalked out-would be the very best and surest method that could be chalked out to destroy this great and happy Union."

And thus Mr. Clay:

"The series of resolutions under consideration has been introduced by the senator from South Carolina, after he and other senators from the South had deprecated discussion on the delicate subject to which they relate. They have occasioned much discussion, in which hitherto I have not participated. I hope that the tendency of the resolutions may be to allay the excitement which unhappily prevails in respect to the abolition of slavery; but I confess that, taken altogether, and in connection with other circumstances, and especially considering the manner in which their author has pressed them on the Senate, I fear that they will have the opposite effect; and particularly at the North, that they may increase and exasperate instead

of diminishing and assuaging the existing agita- long foreseen the immense surplus revenue tion."

And thus Mr. Preston, of South Carolina:

"His objections to the introduction of the resolutions were that they allowed ground for discussion; and that the subject ought never to be allowed to enter the halls of the legislative assembly, was always to be taken for granted by the South; and what would abstract propositions of this nature effect?"

And thus Mr. Strange, of North Carolina: "What did they set forth but abstract principles, to which the South had again and again certified? What bulwark of defence was needed stronger than the constitution itself? Every movement on the part of the South only gave additional strength to her opponents. The wisest, nay, the only safe, course was to remain quiet, though prepared at the same time to resist all aggression. Questions like this only tended to excite angry feelings. The senator from South Carolina (Mr. CALHOUN) charged him with 'preaching to one side. Perhaps he had sermonized too long for the patience of the Senate; but then he had preached to all sides. It was the agitation of the question in any form, or shape, that rendered it dangerous. Agitating this question in any shape was ruinous to the South."

And thus Mr. Richard H. Bayard, of Dela

ware:

which a false system of legislation must pour into the Treasury, and the fatal consequences to the morals and institutions of the country which must follow When nothing else could arrest it he threw himself, with his State, into the breach, to arrest dangers which could not otherwise be arrested; whether wisely or not he left posterity to judge. He now saw with equal clearness-as clear as the noonday sun -the fatal consequences which must follow if the present disease be not timely arrested. He would repeat again what he had so often Isaid on this floor. This was the only question of sufficient magnitude and potency to divide this Union; and divide it it would, or drench the country in blood, if not arrested. He knew how much the sentiment he had uttered would be misconstrued and misrepre sented. There were those who saw no danger to the Union in the violation of all its fundamental principles, but who were full of apprehension when danger was foretold or resisted, and who held not the authors of the danger, but those who forewarned or opposed it, responsible for consequences."

"But the cry of disunion by the weak or designing had no terror for him. If his attachment to the Union was less, he might tamper with the deep disease which now afflicts the body politic, and keep silent till the patient was ready to sink under its mortal blows. It is a cheap, and he must say but too certain a mode of acquiring the character of devoted attachment to the Union. But, seeing the danger as he "Though he denounced the spirit of abolition did, he would be a traitor to the Union and as dangerous and wicked in the extreme, yet he those he represented to keep silence. The as did not feel himself authorized to vote for the saults daily made on the institutions of nearly resolutions. If the doctrines contained in them one half of the States of this Union by the were correct, then nullification was correct; other-institutions interwoven from the beginand if passed might hereafter be appealed to as ning with their political and social existence, a precedent in favor of that doctrine; though he and which cannot be other than that without acquitted the senator [Mr. CALHOUN] of having their inevitable destruction-will and must, if the most remote intention of smuggling in any continued, make two people of one by destroything in relation to that doctrine under covering every sympathy between the two great seotions-obliterating from their hearts the recolof these resolutions." lection of their common danger and glory-and implanting in their place a mutual hatred, more deadly than ever existed between two neighboring people since the commencement of the human race. He feared not the circulation of the thousands of incendiary and slanderous publications which were daily issued from an organized and powerful press among those intended to be vilified. They cannot penetrate our section; that was not the danger; it lay in a different direction. Their circulation in the nonslaveholding States was what was to be dreaded. It was infusing a deadly poison into the minds of the rising generation, implanting in them feelings of hatred, the most deadly hatred, instead of affection and love, for one half of this Union, to be returned, on their part, with equal detestation. The fatal, the immu

Mr. Calhoun, annoyed by so much condemnation of his course, and especially from those as determined as himself to protect the slave institution where it legally existed, spoke often and warmly; and justified his course from the greatness of the danger, and the fatal consequences to the Union if it was not arrested.

"I fear (said Mr. C.) that the Senate has not elevated its view sufficiently to comprehend the extent and magnitude of the existing danger. It was perhaps his misfortune to look too much to the future, and to move against dangers at too great a distance, which had involved him in many difficulties and exposed him often to the imputation of unworthy motives. Thus he had