allowed by Russia to live perhaps for several years in a fool's paradise, and then . . . In the meantime, Turks, Turcoman tribes, the inhabitants of the frontiers of Persia and the shores of the Red Sea, and the lands between Bagdad and Herat, would become the allies of Russia; and Lord Dufferin, or whoever may succeed him as Viceroy of India, must prepare for dictation, instead of negotiation, from the great northern conqueror.

Having shown what I believe to be the advantages of an alliance with the Turks, I should wish now to ask what disadvantages there can be to us in such an alliance? To my mind absolutely none. I regret deeply to see the daily growing coolness between the two countries. I do not think that matters have gone so far that they cannot be remedied. The greatest obstacle, in my opinion, is that nobody in England seems at the present moment to care about anything. There is a degree of laisser aller about everyone which is leading gradually to a kind of national suicide. Just ask an Englishman to shut his eyes and imagine the Russians predominant at the Dardanelles, our road to India cut off, our commerce in the East destroyed. Would that Englishman care sixpence? Upon my word, I am afraid not.

Now as to Turkish people I would say a few words. They have been accused of brigandage, assassination, and every description of crime. I, who have lived among them for fifteen years, am proud to proclaim myself their champion. As soldiers and sailors they are unrivalled when well commanded. As peasants they are industrious, long-suffering, and good. In their religion they are sincere, and never fanatical unless roused to be so by ill-usage and sneers at their faith. Let the sportsman, the traveller, or the antiquarian in pursuit of pleasure or business find himself among the real Turks in Anatolia or elsewhere, and he will be safe as to his person and property, and receive every kindness and hospitality; whereas, when he goes among the Christians settled in Turkey, he will frequently be robbed, and always under the levy of black-mail. Accusations have been made against the Turks of cruelty and ill-usage, which have been exaggerated, sometimes to a ludicrous degree-such as when a reverend divine reported that he actually saw a man impaled, who turned out to be a fisherman sitting on a pole watching for fish to enter his net. Seriously speaking, the statistics of crimes committed in Turkey by Turks would bear favourable comparison with those of many socalled enlightened nations. I have always advocated that England should bear in mind what a splendid race she might have for allies by using a little kindness and tact. Somehow or other these people have been impressed from long ages with the idea that England and the English are their national friends and protectors; and sad indeed will be the time when that idea, already inclined to wane, shall be altogether banished from their thoughts.

In this paper I have scarcely mentioned the Soudan and Egypt. I have purposely refrained from doing so, because at a moment of such intense excitement as is caused by the sad state of affairs in these countries, I think it wiser for any one who, like myself, is deeply impressed with the extremely difficult position in which England is placed, to avoid saying anything that might tend to irritate the feelings of those who, while having certain vested rights in Africa, ought not to advance them at such a moment as this. But I have the greatest confidence that when this sad campaign is finished every justice will be done to all concerned. My object in writing what I have done has been to call the attention of my country to the fact that, if England will, she may, with very little effort on her part, establish on a firm footing a lasting friendship with a valuable ally such as Turkey would prove herself to be, and a people whose friendship is worth to my country all the gold in Australia, and to repeat a warning that to lose such an ally would be an act of little less than mere madness.

Before concluding this paper, a word on the women of Turkey. On this head, people are, as in most cases regarding Eastern affairs, generally misinformed. A Turkish woman is a good wife and a kind mother. If the rules of the harem are strictly observed, as is always the case, then she has more time to attend to her domestic duties. It is rare in these days to find a Turk with more than one wife, although his religion allows him to have more, as it did to Abraham and his descendants for many generations. The children of Turks are well brought up; in fact, in most families of position foreign governesses and tutors are employed. As regards the education of the lower classes, it is interesting to see the strings of little Turkish children toddling off to school every morning. These schools, of which there are many hundreds, not to say thousands, in Turkey, have been introduced and supported by His Majesty the Sultan. French and English are taught, and a stranger would indeed be astonished if he attended at a half-yearly examination of the children and saw the progress made by these naturally intelligent little creatures. I have seen more than a thousand boys and girls working at the new printing establishment lately set up also under the auspices of the Sultan, in a way that would delight even the great people in Printing House Square. I again ask, why not encourage and ultimately profit by the friendship of such people?

HOBART PASHA.

A FEW MORE WORDS ON IMPERIAL

FEDERATION.

THERE has been so noteworthy a progress towards Imperial Federation during the last month that I venture to add a few words to those which I wrote on the subject in the last number of this Review.

No one can deny that the present outlook is dark and stormy. This is a time of trial for the strength and virtue of Englishmen ; but these times of trial have not been few or far between in our history, and as before, so now, England will face her dangers and surmount her difficulties. I have hope for my country, because I have faith in my fellow-countrymen. Yet there is ground both for sorrow and anxiety. We have lost our beloved hero, and many of our bravest men; we are engaged in a dangerous and most costly enterprise; the strain upon our army and our navy is severe; and the great Powers of Europe, with the exception of Italy, who has shown that she has not forgotten who was her disinterested friend in her time of need, appear to be considering what advantage they can obtain from our difficulties.

But there are two rays of sunlight across the dark prospect. Our soldiers and sailors have given clear proof that they have the endurance and courage and devotedness of their fathers. This is no new fact, though it is well that other nations should at this crisis be reminded that it is a fact with which any enemy of England will have to reckon; but there is a new fact, and that is, that our colonial fellow-countrymen have proved that they are not only willing but longing to take their share in the defence of our common country. I never doubted this willingness, I was sure that it would be shown; but there is not much heed given to expectations or prophecies until they are realised, and therefore I cannot wonder that these offers of colonial aid have struck the British public with pleased surprise.

A day or two before these offers were made known, a speech was made by the ablest and most respected of the opponents of Federation.

It is to me most painful to differ from Mr. Bright, but I expected his opposition, because in one respect he is the most conservative

of our statesmen. There is no man with any mental power approaching to his to whose mind a new idea has such difficulty of access.

But what did Mr. Bright say on the 29th of January at Birmingham? The idea,' he said, in my opinion is ludicrous that the British Empire-that is, the United Kingdom with all its colonies-should form one country, one interest, one undivided interest for the purposes of defence.' 'They' (that is the Federation League who proclaim these ludicrous notions) must be blind to the lessons of history.'

6

Yes, but history teaches many lessons now-a-days, and they follow so fast one upon another that it is not always easy to learn them. It may be well for us all, Mr. Bright included, to study this last lesson of history. The Governments of the Dominion of Canada, of New South Wales, of Victoria, of Queensland, of South Australia, have declared that the United Kingdom, with all its colonies, do form one country for the purposes of defence. They have made this declaration on behalf of their people by the offer to give, not only their money but their men, for the defence of the Flag in a war of more than usual danger and privation, and their people have supported their Government in these offers with patriotic enthusiasm.

The union of the mother-country with her children is, thanks to this patriotism, more close and more intimate than it was a month ago.

But is there more probability of its being permanent?

The advocates of disunion, or perhaps it would be more fair to them to call them the believers in necessary disintegration, will tell us that this colonial enthusiasm is a temporary caprice, or at best but a passing feeling, on which no reliance can be placed. I am content to ask those who hold this view to learn the lessons which history will teach them; but may I venture to say one word to the friends of Union? Some of them may perhaps think that this action of the colonies affords an opportunity of securing the permanent unity of the Empire by the immediate elaboration and definition of a scheme of Federation. I would rather venture to say that this colonial action would seem to show that the time has not yet come for such definition, and for this reason, that no scheme which could now be devised, and no system which could now be defined, would adequately express the feelings in men's minds.

The idea of the permanent unity of the realm, the duty of preserving this union, the blessings which its preservation will confer, the danger and loss and disaster which will follow from disunion, are thoughts which possess the minds of Englishmen both here and over the seas. These thoughts are expressing themselves in deeds; let this expression continue; at present it helps our cause far more effectually than any possible scheme. Events march quickly in these times. Last month I gladly supported Lord Grey's and Lord

Lorne's proposal of a Colonial Council or Board of Advice, composed of delegates from the self-governing colonies, but I rejoice to acknowledge that the colonies have now taken a step in advance of a Board of Advice.

The Queen has lost no time in expressing Her Majesty's warm and grateful feelings to the colonies for their proffered aid;' and thanks for all the offers have been given in fitting terms by Mr. Gladstone, Lord Granville, and Lord Derby, and by the Duke of Cambridge as Commander-in-Chief.

But the only offer which has been actually accepted has been that made by New South Wales. I think this is a mistake. If for military reasons it is desirable that the departure of the expeditions from the other Australian colonies and from Canada should be delayed, I cannot but think that, instead of informing the respective Governments that the Imperial Government would take their offers into consideration if the Soudan war lasted till the autumn, it would have been better to accept these offers at once, while adding that definite instructions would be sent out with regard to time.

Who expects that the Soudan War will be ended before autumn?

Are we sure that our forces will not need strengthening elsewhere than in the Soudan?

The colonies, as I have said above, have taken a step in advance of a Colonial Board of Advice; but it may be that the Queen's subjects both at home and in the colonies will soon call upon the Queen's Ministers to take a still further step.

The evidence of colonial patriotism may ward off the dangers which exist, but on the other hand those dangers may increase, and it may soon become clear that Englishmen throughout the Empire must rally their forces in defence of themselves and of their common country; and there may well be an irresistible demand both at home and in the colonies for a special conference between the Imperial Government and the Colonial Governments in order to resolve on the organisation of this defence.

This therefore does not seem to me to be a time to postpone the acceptance of any colonial offer of assistance, and merely to state that such offer may be taken into consideration.

Let me mention another recent and encouraging event. No offer of military aid in the Soudan has come from South Africa, nor could such offer have been expected. The Queen's subjects in South Africa have their own work to do at present, but in no part of the Queen's dominions has the determination to maintain her realm unshattered been more clearly shown.

The Cape Colonists, not only of English, but many also of Dutch descent, have supposed that England did not care to keep a South African colony, but only a naval station on the road to India and