men of the present day, without quitting their own country, will die under the dominion of a law, bearing but a very limited resemblance to that under which they were born; and, why should English law be immortal in India, when its days are numbered in its own land? But whatever may be an Englishman's right in his own country, when he quits it, he must be content to enjoy life, liberty, and property, upon the conditions of the law which may prevail in the place in which he chooses to reside. Even residence in an English colony will not secure to him the administration of English law. In the Mauritius, he will be judged by the Code Napoleon; in Trinidad, by the Spanish Law; in Demerara, by the Dutch. Why should he be dissatisfied at finding, in India, that he must conform his actions to another code? The people of India are certainly better entitled to consideration in their own country, than casual settlers; and the law which is best adapted to protect and promote their interests, is the law which ought to prevail, and to which all persons should be required to submit. There will still be enough to keep the various classes of inhabitants apart, without perpetuating the distinctions created by conflicting systems of law.

But while the framers of the late Act are accused of doing too little for English law, they are condemned for doing too much for the English Church; from whence, it may be inferred, that there were more lawyers than divines present at the meeting. The guilt of the British Legislature, in this respect, resolves itself into the elevation of two archdeaconries into episcopal sees, a measure very necessary to the well-being of the Church establishment in India, and attended by an increase of expense too trivial to be regarded by the pettiest dependency of the British state. This, indeed, is substantially admitted by the petitioners themselves. All the objections, which can be urged against this enactment, will apply with equal force to the interference of Europeans in the government of India. If that country is to remain under European influence, it is surely desirable, for its own sake, that its rulers should not forget that they are accountable to a higher tribunal than that of man for the exercise of their authority. Due provision for the religious observances of the ruling powers, is as necessary as any other part of the expenditure of the State, and the governed will derive from it quite as much benefit as the governors. But a very severe lecture on this subject is read by the petitioners to the Legislature, who are thus instructed in their duties

The only legitimate object of taxation is civil government, defence and improvement of the country to be taxed; the only legitimate object of extension of territory, or colonization, is the extension of knowledge, civilization, trade, and commerce.

These are not Indian sentiments, though they are put into the mouths of natives of India. Such opinions are not derived either from the Shasters or the Koran; they come from another school, and sufficiently attest what class of persons were the prime movers in the whole transaction.

One very modest proposal is, that the expenses of the Church establishment should be defrayed by deductions from the dividends upon India stock;

let the holders of that species of property look to this, and learn what they have to expect, if ever political sciolists and disaffected adventurers gain the ascendancy in Indian affairs.

The absolute power of legislation conferred upon the Governor-General-inCouncil, is another ground of complaint. Little change is effected, in this respect, beyond relieving the subordinate governments of their legislative duties, and dispensing with the necessity of registration in the Supreme Court. The latter regulation has formerly been alleged to be of little value; but opinions change. The power of absolute legislation must reside somewhere and, if not with the Governor-general-in-Council, it seems difficult to say where, in the existing state of India, it can be placed so satisfactorily. The power may be abused—but so it may wherever vested; and, without a complete revolution in the whole system of Indian Government, it could not be rendered more popular. But, independently of this inconvenience, is India prepared for a popular form of government? The late Mr. Mill was, certainly, not indisposed to the extension of popular power; what was his opinion? It was delivered, very explicitly and unreservedly, before the Committee of the House of Commons, upon whose report the Act, now complained of, was founded. Being asked: "Do you consider, in the present state of Indian society, anything approaching to representation, as entirely out of the question?" Mr. Mill answered: "I conceive wholly so." What will the Calcutta utilitarians say to this opinion of one of the most distinguished leaders of their sect? But, in truth, all sensible men must see, that to popularize the Indian government, would be almost equivalent to suspending the operations of government altogether. If advisers and counsellors were multiplied, so would be delays. The career of improvement, for which the petitioners express so much anxiety, would be retarded, and uncertainty and vacillation would pervade every department of the State.

The complaints, that no provision is made for the promotionof education, for the formation of roads, canals, and public works, would be reasonable enough, had the Government immense funds ready to embark in facilitating those national objects. But this, as the petitioners know and affirm, is not the fact; and to complain, as the petitioners do, that too much is already demanded in the way of taxation, and, at the same time, to express disappointment at the postponement of measures which must call for much more, is a course which might have been expected rather from the inhabitants of Tipperary than of Bengal.

How much better would it be for all to unite with the local authorities in endeavouring to carry out the beneficent intentions of the Legislature for the welfare of India-to banish all factious and party-feelings-to secure all attainable good, and to discourage indiscreet and mischievous strivings after that which is unattainable! This would be true wisdom, true policy, and true patriotism; this is the only course by which the interests of India can be effectually promoted, or its connection with England rendered what it might be, a blessing to both countries. But while agitators and

demagogues abroad are supported and countenanced by agitators and demagogues at home, this most desirable result is scarcely to be hoped for.

Mr. Hume's second resolution, having no relation to any of the subjects of the petition, may be passed over. His third and fourth apply to the redress of real grievances. The long continuance of a disproportioned duty on the sugar of British India, was discreditable to the Ministers who maintained, and the Legislature who tolerated, such an injustice; and the tardy and inefficient measure of redress, which has at length been adopted, only evinces that nothing will be yielded which can by possibility be withheld. Justice requires, not only that certain favoured portions of India should be placed on an equality with other British possessions, but that all India should be placed in the same position; and the advocates of the rights of that country must not remit their exertions till this is achieved. A point of far less practical utility, but still one absolutely necessary to be insisted upon, if it be only for the sake of decency, is that enunciated in the fourth resolution that of equality of duties upon Indian manufactured articles imported into this country, and corresponding articles of British manufacture imported into India. The justice of these propositions is so obvious, that they must ultimately triumph, if they be not sunk by the bad company in which they are placed, as was the case on the 14th of July last. Ministers are seldom over willing to listen to applications for a remission of taxation and it is the worst possible policy to mix up a just complaint, with the frothy ebullitions of political fanaticism, so as to afford a plausible excuse for rejecting the entire compound,-the good together with the evil. A FRIEND TO INDIA.

THE MOON IN SEPTEMBER.
How like the breath of love the rustling breeze
Is breathing through the fragrant sandal trees!
How sad but sweet the bulbul sings above

The rose plucked off its stalk-his withering love!
Like liquid silver, yon soft gliding stream
Wanders and glistens by the lunar beam,
Which, like a modest maid in love and fear,
Shrinks half reluctant from the clasp so dear
Of frequent-heaving waves. But, see! a cloud
Hath wrapt the Moon, like Beauty in a shroud.
But now she issuing shines with brightest sheen,
And tips with silver all the woodlands green.
Region of bliss! Irradiate gem of night!
Soother of sorrows! Orb of gentle light!
Full right the bards of ancient days suppose
Thou wert the region where the deities chose
To hide their nectar from the demon's fell,
Destroyed or headlong hurled to deepest hell.
For, still resplendent Moon! whene'er we see
Thy placid face, and fondly gaze on thee,
Its gentleness upon the wounded soul
Exerts a healing power and calm control.

Such is the legend in Hindu mythology.

KASIPRASAD GHOSH,

MERMEN AND MERMAIDS.

TO THE EDITOR.

SIR-The existence of mermaids having once been almost universally believed in Europe, it may, perhaps, be considered curious by some of your readers, that a similar belief prevails in Japan, China, and Eastern Tartary.

Number 252, of the Saturday Magazine, contains an engraving of a pretended mermaid, that was exhibited in London a few years since, and "a copy of part of a Japanese drawing, representing," what the writer of the article supposed to be, one of their deities." The engraving is accompanied by a remark, "that the written characters underneath probably describe the subject of the drawing." This conjecture is perfectly correct, as the two large characters, in the centre, are the Chinese characters Jin-yu, literally Man-fish ;' the small Firo-kana characters, on the right, are Nin-giyo, the Japanese words for man' and 'fish,' and the small Kata-kana characters, on the left, are zin-iyui, the Japanese pronunciation of the Chinese characters Jin-yu. It is obvious, however, that the Japanese writer intended calling the figure a merman, and not a god.

That the people of China and Chinese Tartary, as well as the Japanese, believe in the existence of Mermen, is proved by the descriptions of them given in the best Chinese and Mantchu dictionaries, The Mantchu gisun in pulekhu pithe, a Dictionary of the Mantchu language, compiled by order of the Emperor Kang-he, and augmented by order of the Emperor Keen-lung, calls the merman Nialma nimaha, literally, the man-fish ;' and says, that it is produced in the seas; that, from the waist upwards, it resembles a man; from the waist downwards, a fish; and adds, that it is found in the ocean in various parts of the world. The Tsing wan wei shoo,† a Mantchu dictionary explained in Chinese, gives the merman the same name, and describes it in almost the same manner, as it translates Nialma nimaha, by the Chinese characters for 'man' and 'fish,' and adds, that it is produced in the great sea -that, from the waist upwards, it resembles a man; from the waist downwards, a fish.

The Ching tsze-tung, an excellent Chinese dictionary, describes the Jin-yu as follows:-It has eyes, ears, a mouth and nose; hands, nails, and a head. Its skin and flesh are as white as alabaster, and it has no scales. It has fine hair of five colours; the hair of its head is like a horse's tail, and is five or six feet long; its body is also five or six feet long. Both males and females have been taken, and kept in ponds. This account, with one or two other particulars, which I have intentionally omitted, is copied almost verbatim into the Emperor Kang-he's Dictionary, which is the standard of the Chinese language.‡ More information relating to mermaids could be furnished from Chinese and Japanese works, but I am unwilling to occupy more of your space with so trifling a subject.

20, Bedford-street, Strand.

I am, &c.,

WM. HUTTMANN.

* Vol. xxxii., fol. 35.

Vol. ii., fol. 24.

Ching-tsze-tung; section Hae-tseih-chung, fol. 3. Kang-he-tsze-heen, same section, fol. 2. See also Dr. Morrison's Dictionary of the Chinese language, part ii., vol. i., page 333, No. 4,695, and De Guignes' Dictionnaire Chinois-Français et Latin, fol. 891, No. 12,775.

CAPTAIN BACK'S ARCTIC LAND EXPEDITION.*

THE geographical discoveries in the Arctic regions will not be ranked amongst the least important accessions made to science, in the nineteenth century. They have, moreover, less connexion with mercantile views, and prospects of pecuniary gain, than the geographical discoveries of former times. It may be assumed that few are so sanguine, in the present age, as to calculate upon a north-west passage to India, at least until railroads can be laid down upon the ice, and its motions are known with more certainty, and can be provided against.

Like all objects, in which physical impediments seem to set limits to the power of man, and to tell him "thus far shalt thou go, but no farther," we can advance only step by step, and each progressive effort is made with pain and risk. But, since experience, as well as reason, has demonstrated the futility of the ancient theory, that parts of the earth were not designed to be habitable, we are entitled to conclude that nothing but perseverance is required, to disclose to us the geography of the entire planet on which we are placed.

The expedition of Captain Back was not only not suggested by selfish or sordid motives, but originated in a humane and generous spirit of sympathy for Captain Ross and his fellow-travellers. Their absence for three years, without intelligence of them, and the unfavourable reports respecting their fate, suggested by the peculiar severity of the seasons, led Captain Back to offer to conduct an expedition over-land from Canada to the Polar Sea; the offer met with instant encouragement from Government and the Hudson's Bay Company, and a most liberal subscription from corporations and private individuals, to which was added a grant of £2,000 from Government, provided an ample sum for outfit. The commander of the expedition was armed with the authority not only of Government, but of the Hudson's Bay Company, whose officers and servants appear to have promoted, very essentially, its objects; the Company having undertaken to furnish resources and supplies.

The instructions from the Colonial Office directed Captain Back to proceed from Montreal, by the route of the north-west traders, to the Great Slave Lake; then to strike off to the north-eastward, to the Great Fish River (Thlew-ee-choh), supposed to issue from Slave Lake, and to flow northward to the sea; to proceed to the Polar Sea in search of Ross and his companions, and to survey and map the unknown coasts. As the intelligence of Captain Ross's return was communicated (with wonderful rapidity) to Captain Back, before he had sufficiently advanced to commence his search for them, the expedition may be considered as limited to the other objects, and one of geographical discovery only.

On the 28th June, 1833, Captain Back, with Mr. Richard King, as surgeon and naturalist, and eighteen men, exclusive of a few who were sub

Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition to the Mouth of the Great Fish River, and along the Shores of the Arctic Ocean, in the years 1833, 1834, and 1835. BY CAPTAIN BACK, R.N., Commander of the Expedition. Illustrated by a Map and Plates. London, 1836. Murray.

Asial Journ.N.S.VOL.21.No.81.

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