"HE dieth young whom the gods love," was Joy's inexperienced warblings with the note

From The Quarterly Review.

THE DUKE OF COBURG'S MEMOIRS.*

THE second volume of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg's memoirs is far more interesting than the first. Beyond the sketch of his early life and education, which derives a special importance from having been carried on conjointly with that of his brother the prince consort, the first volume is taken up with the complicated struggles for German unity, and the rivalry between Prussia and Austria, which have little attraction for any but professed students of history. The unity of Germany, so far as it has been accomplished, was eventually attained by very different

methods. The fact that the duke was an actor in many of the scenes which he describes, and that he had access to the best sources of information, does not give his narrative a charm which is essentially wanting to the subject. Nor does the duke's style compensate for other defects. He is laborious, painstaking, and, we believe, honest. But his narrative is filled with a sense of his own importance which is entirely unjustified, and which is a source of irritation to the reader. The brother of the prince consort, the nephew of the king of the Belgians, the head of the most successful of the petty German houses, himself a reigning duke, can with difficulty believe that he is not a motive power in the course of events by which he is carried on. Prince Albert, dearly as he loved his brother, was quite conscious of his weaknesses; and few things are more amusing in the relations between them than the naïveté with which the duke publishes strictures which, although polite in form, were intended to be severe. The material of the second volume is very different. We are presented with a full history of the Crimean and Italian wars. The letters of the prince consort are numerous and important. The duke's relations to the imperial court of France were intimate and confidential. In the present article we shall attempt to omit the duke's personality as far as possible, and confine ourselves to placing before our readers

* Aus meinem Leben und aus meiner Zeit. Von

whatever new material the book contains for estimating the men and measures of these eventful years.

The volume opens with the conferences held at Dresden in the early months of 1851 for the purpose of healing the wounds caused by the treaty of Olmütz, the lowest point of Prussia's humiliation before Austria. Prince Albert writes of the European situation as follows: "The emperor Nicholas is for the moment complete master of Europe, Austria is only a tool, Prussia a dupe, France a nullity, England worse than nothing with her foreign affairs directed by an unprincipled minister." This is an instance of the writer's feeling toward Lord Palmerston, which constantly reappears throughout the narrative. The duke, who passed as a Radical among princes, on his visit to Dresden was gently rebuked by the good old king for having deserted the traditions of his house to follow the various strivings after German unity. This indeed was a time when Schwarzenberg could say of Germany what Metternich said of Italy: "Don't talk to me of Germany. It does I have lived abroad all my life not exist. as soldier and diplomatist, and have always found that no one ever heard of it." Indeed, those who remember the Exhibition of 1851 will not have forgotten that the only expression for a united Germany at that time was the outlandish name of Zollverein. Prince Albert saw clearly enough that the only hope of unity lay in the decisive action of Prussia, and that no sympathy could be expected from England. He writes on March 5, 1851 :

:

Our ministerial crisis has ended miserably; all parties have compromised themselves, and are now more entangled than ever. The old ministry has come back to office, much weakened, however, in Parliament. The Austrians and the Pope have succeeded in bringing England into confusion, and yet the Radical party will eventually derive the greatest advantage from what has happened. In this way Schwarzenberg digs for Europe and him

self one ditch after another.

The duke, who liked to see everything with his own eyes, paid a year later a visit

Ernst II., Herzog von Sachsen-Coburg-Gotha. Zweiter to the Austrian court. He was struck by

Band. Berlin: 1888.

the brilliant appearance and faultless tact

of the young emperor; by his talents for | States were the emperor Nicholas and war, for organization, and for languages; Louis Napoleon. Both of them were inby the extent and exactness of his knowl-timately known by Duke Ernest. Nichoedge on all subjects. The magnificence las appeared to him the most remarkable of the court was only an outward sign of man of his age, the last real autocrat in the efforts made in all directions to raise Europe. The vague abstractions of Austria to a leading position in Europe. Church, State, and nationality were lost in The duke's impressions were fully re- his personality. He seemed the embodiported to his brother, who replied from ment of the Russian Empire, and yet to Osborne that the picture he had drawn those who looked more closely there was caused a bad impression. nothing but the exterior, a mere painted picture. The whole idea of his life and reign was summed up in correctness of uniform. He could pose admirably in turn as the general and the statesman. The fascination of his courtly manners worked powerfully on men and women. His influence was everywhere and nowhere, like the wandering Jew. His ambassadors exercised a predominant influence in many European courts, and everywhere an influ

Austria wishes before everything to become a state, and as this requires time she expects Europe to wait till she has effected her object. If Europe does not object, Austria is quite justified in demanding this. The merit of the invention is not great; it is at bottom only a new application of the principle of Metternich, that Europe must stand still because Austria cannot become a state. The events of 1848

have shown that without the existence of a

state there can be no cohesion between the separate parts of the monarchy; and there-ence opposed to freedom. England of all fore, while her internal policy is altered, her foreign policy remains the same. Yet Austria exaggerates her strength if she thinks that she can go on dictating to Europe for her own interests. She never would have attempted it if it had not been for the weakness of the King of Prussia and the enormous mistakes of Lord

Palmerston. Everything is now being done to bring about an alliance between Austria and Louis Napoleon, the results of which can only be disastrous. Germany must take care of herself.

Prussia was, however, soon to enter into a new phase of activity. In May, 1851, Bismarck became first secretary of the federal legation at Frankfort. The duke, although opposed to him in politics, claims to have discerned his great qualities at an early period, whereas Prince Albert did not appreciate him. The early part of his mission was spent in silence and inactivity. To a lady who asked him in October, 1852, how it happened that when his chief Count Thun left Frankfort because a man of energy could not put up with such a lazy and aimless life, Bismarck could endure it, he replied that he had been all his days nothing but a loafing country gentleman, strolling about with his gun in his hand, and that the life at Frankfort would suit him admirably.

At this time the two most remarkable personalities at the head of European

the great powers stood alone as the opponent of his ambition in the East. The queen and prince disliked him, and Cabinet ministers distrusted him. Yet he hoped to bring them over to his side by the bribe of the island of Candia.

Louis Napoleon was a very different character. During his residence in London he had attempted in vain to secure a footing in English society. The queen had refused to receive him. He was re

garded as of no importance, and his char
acter was shady. When he became
president his two strongest enemies were
Russia and England. Prince Albert not
only had an aversion to Napoleonic tradi-

sented them. He had never shown any
tions, but he disliked the man who repre-
Even
the keen interest which the president of
desire to make his acquaintance.
the French republic took in the Exhibi-
tion of 1851 had no effect on Prince
Albert's mind. For the moment, indeed,
the attention of the English court was
entirely occupied with this great idea.
Many difficulties had to be overcome,

and the death of Sir Robert Peel seemed an

almost fatal blow. Prince Albert writes on July 4, 1850, that they are in the greatest distress.

Peel is a loss for all Europe, a terrible loss for England, an incalculable loss for the Crown

and for us personally. We are now entirely
deprived of that support in Parliament and
public opinion which he afforded to the throne.
Parties will again run into extremes. Our
Exhibition will be driven from London. The
Protectionists, who fear for their interests;
the Radicals, who wish to assert their property
in the parks; the Times, whose solicitor has
bought a house in Hyde Park, rage and abuse
our project. The matter ought to have been
decided this evening, but Peel, who had un-
dertaken to support us, is no more. So we
shall probably be beaten, and the whole Ex-
hibition will be given up.
You see that we
are not exactly on a bed of roses.

These fears, however, proved to be groundless. The duke, who spent a month in England in the summer of 1851, pronounces the Exhibition far beyond all

others which have succeeded it. It was the last great occasion, he says, in which the English aristocracy displayed their magnificence to the eyes of Europe. All their resources were placed at the disposal

of the Exhibition. More than four thou

throat. "Give a rogue rope enough, and he will hang himself," is an old English proverh. We shall certainly have trouble with Palmerston, who is furious, and also with a Reform Bill which is promised.

At the end of February, 1852, Lord Derby became prime minister. Prince Albert writes upon this: "Lord Derby is a most excellent man, but he calls his ministry himself the Derbyshire militia fresh from the plough, ready to be disbanded immediately.' Not one of them was ever yet in a public office. The old Duke [of Wellington] says of them, 'People one never saw or heard of before."" It was regarded as a transitional government, and in fact it lasted but ten months, and was succeeded by the Coalition ministry. The new ruler of France soon began to make his neighbors suspicious. England called out the militia, created a marine reserve, and fortified her harbors. Stockmar, the trusted friend of Prince Albert, declared that the new emperor sand state carriages appeared at the open-was utterly untrustworthy. King Leopold ing. (?) The court kept open house. The formed the worst opinion of his designs. queen and her consort stood at the height He saw a new Napoleonic era approachof their reputation. Prince Albert was ing. He wrote to Metternich that Napo the soul of everything. leon III. was busy day and night with preparations for placing France in the position which she had held under Napoleon I. All the powers must combine to resist him. Prince Albert writes: "We are furbishing up our rusty cannon, building fortifications, have established a militia of eighty thousand men, are improving our arms, and are very busy." At this juncture the engagement of the emperor to Mademoiselle de Montijo was nounced. She had been introduced to her future husband at a ball given at the Elysée. The emperor was attempting to establish an alliance with a royal or a semi-royal house. On receiving the last refusal he said to the American gentleman who had introduced her, "I will have no more of these princesses. I will marry your American." "She is not an American," replied his friend, "she is a Spaniard." "Never mind," said the emperor, "she is the most beautiful woman I have her." ever seen in my life, and I will marry

The Exhibition closed on October 11, and in December Europe was astonished by the coup d'état of Louis Napoleon. The queen and her husband were shocked by the want of faith and the duplicity which characterized it. Lord Palmerston's hasty and imprudent approval of the step led to his dismissal from office. Prince Albert was delighted with the result. He writes to his brother at the end year:

of the

I cannot complain of the past year. The Great Exhibition passed off in an incredibly fortunate and peaceable manner, and without the slightest contretemps. And now the year closes with the circumstance -so fortunate for us- - that the man who has embittered our whole existence, because he was always placing us in the disgraceful dilemma of either supporting his misdeeds in the whole of Europe, or of allowing the Radical party here either to grow to a power under his leadership, or to break into open war with the Crown, and thus throw into a general chaos the only country in which freedom, order, and respect for law are to be found together-has cut his own

an

Suspicion of France was coincident with a rising enthusiasm for Italy. Prince