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the general rising of the nation, and signed the alliance proposed by Alexander. The fate of the war between the allied powers and Napoleon, who strained his military resources to the utmost and had still at his disposal the contingents of the Confederation of the Rhine, remained wavering for a considerable time; but the celebrated interview at Dresden between him and Metternich, in which his blinded pride refused any concession, decided the accession of Austria to the league. Even after the most decisive defeats he might have retained his throne as a powerful monarch, for Metternich, being afraid that the re-establishment of the Bourbons might give a dangerous ally to Russia, offered him as frontiers "la mer, le Rhin, et les Alpes; it was only his stubborn refusal of the concessions offered at the Congress of Châtillon by the allies which led to his overthrow, and only after Waterloo France was reduced to the territorial status quo of 1789.

dared not use force, because that would | Von York, took the memorable resolution have been a violation of the treaty of of concluding without any full power of Tilsit, tantamount to a rupture with Rus- his sovereign a convention with the Russia, which was in his plans, but for which sian general Paulucci at Tauroggen, Dehe was not yet ready. A new outrage of cember 30, 1812, according to which the the conqueror during the deepest peace Prussian troops separated themselves was the message to the Senate (roth of from the French, and Alexander promised December, 1810) that he had felt himself that if the king would make common cause obliged to embody in his empire the with him he would not lay down arms bemouths of the Ems, the Weser, and the fore re-establishing Prussia in the territoElbe, observing besides that these re- rial status quo of 1806. After much hesiunions were not the last, but the first and tation the king, while disavowing York at most important. Oldenburg, Bremen, Paris in order to gain time, ratified this Hamburg, Lübeck, had thus become convention; he left for Breslau, issued French without the slightest international the celebrated proclamation to his army pretext, simply because the emperor and his people, which was answered by wished to have the whole coast in his power in order to prevent an English landing, to keep Prussia in a still tighter grasp, and to enforce the continental system on a larger scale. Stein's successor, Baron Hardenberg, had no other choice than the policy of the weak towards the strong; he did his best to develop by a bold reform policy the resources of the country and to maintain peace; convinced that Napoleon could only be beaten by a European coalition, he saw that the time had not yet come, Austria being exhausted and allied to the great parvenu by giving him an archduchess as spouse, and Alexander not having made up his mind to risk the decisive struggle, although he had declared at Paris that the annexation of Oldenburg by a friendly power had been " un soufflet que l'on me donne devant les yeux de l'Europe." It was Na poleon who decided to begin the war destined to crush the last continental power which still maintained a certain independence. The Prussian patriots wished for an alliance with Russia, but the French held the reduced little kingdom in their hands, and nothing was to be hoped from Austria, which had been deprived of Galicia by Russia and was dissatisfied at the latter power's refusal to terminate its war with the Porte. Neutrality was impossible for Prussia in the coming war, because it would only have turned the country into a battle-ground; the great army of invasion was in full formation, so the king was compelled to accept at last the alliance with France, which obliged him to assist Napoleon in his attack on Russia by an army of fortyeight thousand men and to place at his disposal the whole resources of the country. We have not to follow here the famous Russian campaign. After the retreat of the French army, the commander Dumas, Précis, 19, 459, 463, segg.; Œuvres du of the Prussian auxiliary troops, General | Comte Roederer, i. 544.

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III.

LET us now try to realize summarily what this period of French oppression and the shaking off of its intolerable yoke have cost Germany, and especially Prussia. One of the most ardent admirers of Napoleon, Bignon, avows that never a foreign occupation has weighed so cruelly on a State as that of Napoleon on Prussia. When in 1806 he began the war, he had not a hundred thousand francs in his chest. On the 1st of January, 1808, the intendant of the French army, Daru, calculated that the occupation had yielded 604,227,922 francs, and the emperor himself, on the 9th of March, 1809, told Count Roederer that he had drawn a milliard from Prussia.* But this was not all;

even after the evacuation the country had | The French sold all the goods of the

to pay a heavy contribution; it was royal manufacture of china; all the works obliged to maintain the French garrisons of art in the royal castles were carried off at Kuestrin, Stettin, and Glogau; it had to Paris,* or appropriated by the French to furnish enormous requisitions for the marshals. In order to mitigate somewhat French army, and the continental system this oppression, the king sent his brother oppressed Prussia's economical condition William to Paris, and even offered a demore heavily than any other country. fensive and offensive alliance. Napoleon These sacrifices had to be borne by a State refused it; he told the prince he knew which, after the peace of Tilsit, was re- that he could never rely upon Prussia; duced to a territory of 2,856 German all the Prussians hated him. The contrisquare miles and four million six hun- butions had to be paid; they were part of dred thousand inhabitants. Before the the combinations of the European policy. war Prussia's net revenue in 1805-6 had The execution of the peace of Tilsit deamounted to twenty-seven million thalers; pended upon Russia, which continued to after having lost the most fertile and occupy the Danubian principalities. If densely populated half of its territory, it was not fit for Prussia to maintain an the income would scarcely have reached army of more than forty thousand men, twelve millions, if the war had not des- the surplus of the former war budget troyed the sources of its wealth. It should be applied to paying off the debt therefore seems incredible that Napoleon to France. Baron Stein, indeed, agreed could have tortured out the above-named with Daru on the draft of a treaty, promimmense sums from such a little, impover-ising the evacuation of Prussia with ished country; yet such is the fact. After the exception of Stettin, Kuestrin, and the battle of Jena he imposed a contribu- Glogau, and reducing the indemnity to tion of one hundred and fifty-two million one hundred and twelve million francs; francs; the treaty of Tilsit stipulated that but Napoleon took no notice of it; he the evacuation of the territories remaining violently complained to the prince of certo Prussia should be subject to the pay-tain Prussian_functionaries who kindled ment of the contribution, but it was resistance to France, and had the effronunderstood that the amount of the requi- tery to order the councillor of legation, sitions was to be placed on account of the Leroux, who had come with the prince, to sums to be paid. Napoleon reversed this leave Paris within five days. The Prusin order to have a show of motive for pro- sian government, unable to resist, was longing the occupation, and besides asked obliged to swallow everything, and to a full year's revenue from Prussia. Daru, withdraw functionaries who had only done therefore, presented a bill asking 130,- their duty. The requisitions and exac511,856 francs 90 cent. as contribution; tions went on as before; in one district 61,590,637 francs 53 cent. as revenue of alone the French commissioner asked for eight months; other demands 6,624,475|four thousand of the largest trees from francs 24 cent. in all 198,724,988 francs the royal forests for the artillery. It was 86 cent. From this sum 44,221,489 francs only the course matters took in Spain 68 cent. were considered to have been which compelled Napoleon to change paid, so that the French demand would somewhat his policy. In order to be able still be the round sum of one hundred to withdraw his troops from Prussia to and fifty-four and a half million francs.* the Peninsula, he was obliged to come to Napoleon, as Lefèbre acknowledges,† an understanding with Russia, and the knew perfectly well that Prussia was un- French army on the Oder was a menace able to pay that amount; he only wanted to that power. However, he availed him. a pretext for prolonging the occupation self of the seizure of some letters of of the country at its own cost. The rev- Stein by Soult to induce Prince William enues of the State filled the French ex- to sign a treaty which fixed the remaining chequer; contributions and requisitions indemnity at one hundred and forty milwere raised in a progressive style. The lions, although Prussia had already paid commander of Berlin, General St.-Hilaire, one hundred and forty-two millions in asked for eight hundred thalers, then for cash, and sixty millions by abandoning a thousand thalers, per week for his table; General Vitry behaved in the castle of Charlottenburg as if it belonged to him.

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* Countess Voss, Sixty-four Years at the Prussian

Court, p. 324. "I got the list of what the French have

either officially taken to Paris or simply stolen; in the same wise all the royal castles were deprived of their pictures, statues, vases, and costly works: it is an incredible list." (Nov. 11, 1807.)

revenues. The private capital, according | bearing conduct of the French. At the to Art. 25 of the treaty of Tilsit, was to interview of Tilsit two little houses were remain untouched; yet in January, 1806, erected on the raft; in one the two emthe Warsaw Gazette published a decree perors met to have their famous conversaaccording to which all persons who had tion; in the other the king of Prussia to pay interest or capital to the Prussian was kept waiting, hearing even afterwards government were to pay their liabilities nothing about his fate. Napoleon treated to the French or Saxon commissioner, an distinguished German princesses, such as amount estimated at thirty million thalers. the beautiful Queen Louisa of Prussia, By this measure not only many private with the utmost coarseness; * patriots like fortunes were ruined, but the credit of Stein, Gneisenau, Perthes, had to fly for the Prussian bank and of the establish- their lives; the editor Palm was shot be. ment for maritime commerce was severely cause he had published a book distasteful endangered; decrees of December, 1808, to the French; Wilhelm Schlegel, having and January, 1809, simply confiscated cap said in an essay that he preferred the ital of Prussian subjects in the former "Phædra " of Euripides to that of Racine, Polish provinces to the amount of more had to leave Paris; French generals and than twenty million thalers, which by a prefects behaved as absolute masters evconvention with Saxony were reduced to erywhere, and sovereign princes had to seventeen millions. Only when the gov-yield precedence to imperial newly cre ernment had paid fifty million francs in ated marshals. bills, and seventy millions in bonds guaranteed by the estates of the provinces, the French army evacuated Prussia, with the exception of the above-named fortresses. As to the requisitions, they amounted from October, 1806, till December, 1808, to 216,940,646 thalers, without reckoning the supply of horses (Berlin alone had to give 108,802 horses in eight months), and the devastations of the war. Duncker, who in his quoted work gives all the statistical details on official authority, thus comes to the conclusion that, irrespective of the one hundred and forty millions indemnity, promised by Prince William's treaty and reduced at Erfurt, at Alexander's instance, to one hundred and twenty millions, and of the maintenance of the French garrisons in the fortresses, which cost from November, 1808, to March, 1813, 37,973,951 francs, Napoleon squeezed from little Prussia, impoverished by the devastation of war and by the annihilation of its commerce, navigation, and industry, the sum of 1,129,374,217 francs 50 cent. (l. c., p. 530).

The other States of northern Germany oppressed by Napoleon fared equally badly; suffice it to recall the exactions of Marshal Davoust at Hamburg, who besides stole the whole deposits of the public bank in silver bars. The city, the commerce of which was ruined by the continental system, was made a fortress; the most distinguished citizens had to dig for erecting earthworks; churches were turned into stables, and thousands of inhabitants, unable to provision themselves for the coming winter, were expelled in the severest cold. Not less exasperating than these material losses was the over

Austria in her heroic struggles against Napoleon was twice obliged to declare bankruptcy, which caused enormous losses to her population, and was reduced to less than half of her former dominions. The situation of the States forming the Confederation of the Rhine, being allies of France, was undoubtedly better, but they also suffered heavily from the constant wars, for which they had to furnish their contingents at their own expense, and by the passage of the French troops. As to the losses in lives which Germany suffered during this period no approximate estimate can be made; they were simply enormous. Napoleon himself at the interview of Dresden with Metternich cynically said, "After all, my wars have cost me barely a million of men, and most of them were Germans "-i.e., Germans who fought for him.

If after such exhausting drains of wealth and men the whole of northern Germany in 1813 rose as one man, to shake off the hated yoke of the conqueror, it was simply because the people felt that it was a struggle for existence. Their heroic efforts were scarcely compensated by the terms of peace; for Talleyrand persuaded the emperor Alexander that the restoration of Alsace, asked for by Prussia, was against the Russian interest, because it would weaken the throne of the restored Bourbons, and only a strong France would be a useful ally of the czar. The war indemnity exacted from the French, then a nation of great wealth, was one milliard, to be divided amongst the

(as the physicians say) was the consequence of too deep * The queen died from a polyp on the heart, which and lasting grief." (Countess Voss, .c., p. 380.)

allies. At that time the public income | he told me that the war between France was about nine hundred million francs, and Prussia was unavoidable, because it and ten years after the finances were in so flourishing a condition that another milliard could be devoted to indemnify the emigrated nobility. On the other hand, Germany, and particularly Prussia, were after the war left in a state of exhaustion, which it required more than thirty years

to overcome.

Nor were the Bourbons, re-established partly by the success of German arms, good neighbors. Shortly before his dethronement Charles the Tenth had come to a secret understanding with the emperor Nicholas that, if he would support Russia's plans in the East, the czar would not oppose the embodiment of the left bank of the Rhine. It was therefore perfectly conceivable that the revolution of July was a most untoward event for the Russian autocrat, who constantly urged the king of Prussia to declare war against France in order to maintain the cause of legitimacy. But Frederic William the Third, although he knew nothing of his son-in-law's betrayal, had learnt too much by sad experiences to follow that insidious advice, and answered: "Nicholas can speak at his ease; he would not have to face the brunt of the attack." Under Thiers's ministry of 1840 the clamor for the Rhine began again; even moderate and wise politicians like Tocqueville declared frankly that for France the frontier of the Rhine was a necessity. When in 1848 the historian Frederic von Raumer was sent by the central power to Paris, General Cavaignac told him that France would never tolerate the unity of Germany. Napoleon the Third was constantly interfering in German affairs. When in 1854 a new Russian loan was admitted at the Hamburg Exchange, the French foreign secretary, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, imperiously demanded that this should be forbidden, although England, his ally, acknowledged that the admission was perfectly in accordance with strict neutrality. The emperor intervened after Prussia's great victories in Bohemia, enforced the line of the Mein, and asked for compensations on the Rhine, although he had taken no part in the war. During the following years of 1866-70 the French were clamoring for "revanche pour Sadowa," as if they had been beaten, simply because they thought their prestige as the first military power tarnished. In the summer of 1868 I visited the late distinguished writer Prévost-Paradol; although bitterly opposed to the emperor's policy,

was necessary for re-establishing the authority of his country, which, he was quite sure, would be victorious. My question, What made him so certain of success, he answered by saying: "I grant you have better generals, but it will be the French soldier who conquers." When the unfortunate man, who had believed in Ollivier's liberal transformation of the empire and had accepted the post of French minister at Washington, saw, after the great defeats of 1870, that he had been utterly mistaken, he cut his throat. I must ac knowledge that Thiers, whom I saw on the same day, and who still in 1865, when I was with him at Schlangenbad, had scarcely disguised his wish for that "délicieux pays du Rhin," held at that time different language. "You know," he said, "how much opposed I have been to all that has passed by the emperor's fault in Italy and Germany; but now the thing is done and cannot be mended, and I assure you that I am sincerely for peace. For of two things, one: either we should be beaten, which is quite possible, and that would be an immense misfortune for France; or we should be victorious, and that would be the maintenance of despot. ism forever." Consequently Thiers was against the insane declaration of war in 1870, but he was hooted for his warning by his colleagues in the Corps Législatif, and no sincere Frenchman will deny that, if the fate of the campaign had been different, they would have taken the left bank of the Rhine. Yet after the fall of the empire Jules Favre told Count Bismarck that it was against the honor of France to cede an inch of territory; upon which the chancellor replied that French honor was not made of different stuff from that of other nations, and that he demanded Alsace because Strasburg and the frontier of the Vosges were imperiously necessary for the military safety of Germany. It is true that, as my late friend Baron Nothomb wrote to me in May, 1871, the peace of Frankfort reversed the whole French policy since Richelieu; but that policy in itself was a grievous wrong, because it based the greatness of France upon the claim of keeping the neighboring countries in a state of division and weakness. As to the war indemnity of five milliards, it was certainly an enormous sum, yet it did not reach a three years' revenue of France, whilst Napoleon from 1806 to 1813 had extorted from Prussia more than thirteen years' income. The indemnity,

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which at first appeared fabulous, was paid with comparative ease; already in 1876 the French budget was balanced, and if the finances have since become bad the people have to thank for it their leaders, who made the war of Tonkin, rushed into an immense outlay for unprofitable public works, and raised the expenditure for the internal administration by three hundred millions.

It is in no invidious spirit of retaliation that I have tried to present a summary balance of what Germany has suffered from the French for three hundred and fifty years; it is only to show how utterly unfounded is the cry for revenge, and that we inflicted upon the French in 1814-15 and 1870-71 not the hundredth part of what they have imposed upon us. As to the last war, no one denies that certain outrages did occur; but, in opposition to the foolish stories of the French press about clock-stealing, etc., we can appeal to unimpeachable French authorities, who acknowledge that, on the whole, German discipline was strictly kept up; no art treasures were taken away, as was the custom under Napoleon the First; the pictures of Versailles which glorified German defeats remained untouched; the king took quarters in a private house, whilst the castle was reserved to the wounded Germans and French; and the only revenge of history during the occupation of Versailles was that the empire was proclaimed in the same salle des glaces from which Louis the Fourteenth had launched his declarations of war.

M. St.-Genest is right-the accounts of the two nations are settled by the peace of Frankfort. Germany only wishes for peace and a good understanding with her western neighbor, nor do the French people at large desire war; but they must learn to control their noisy demagogues, and not allow themselves to be led again into a struggle by which they certainly would suffer most.

F. HEINR. Geffcken.

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on his heel, and philosophically dismissed the unsavory city from his mind until such time as he should be actually there. Not so ourselves. We had not yet trod its malodorous alleys or stumbled among its perpetual puddles, and we only turned from the approaching picture of gables, domes, minarets, and cypress-trees set in a straggling frame of white wall, to look back at the grand prospect now emerging behind us from the mists of sunrise; for hanging as it seemed in mid-air, with mighty base all enveloped in sea fog, with mile on mile of snow blushing rose-colored in the morning sun, was Olympus itself, awful as of old. Among the mountains of Greece it has no rival; and indeed there can be few in the world that so immediately impress the beholder with a sense of magnitude. Seen, as it almost always is for the first time, from the sea, its height appears enormous, far beyond its actual measurement of not quite ten thousand feet, and the illusion is assisted by the vast snow-cap which in April comes far down its mighty sides. Its neighbors, both south and west, are by no means small, but it dwarfs them all alike, and verily one understands why the giants piled Ossa upon Pelion to attain its summit. The snowy cone of the former was before us at the moment, and while we lay at Volo it seemed that nothing could be finer than Pelion's shaggy, riven sides, whereon Jason cut the timber for his Argo, and Chiron trained Achilles to be Homer's hero. But seen from Salonica, at morning, midday, or evening, the superb seat of Zeus triumphantly attests the constant appositeness of Greek myth, which honored it above all other mountains of the Mediterranean.

Once past the venal douane and inside Salonica, the force of both the captain's epithets is amply vindicated. The princi. pal products may be summed as beggars, deformities, dirt, fruit, and Jews. The latter are lords and masters of the place, and almost make it appear a foreign city garrisoned by a handful of Turks. Even the ubiquitous and assertive Greek, who in most Levantine cities, and above all in his own country, is more than a match for the Jew (whence there are so few Jews in Greece) must yield to him here. For the first time one sees the Hebrew as he may have looked in the days of his independence; not as elsewhere occidentalized, pliable, transformed in outward habit and manner, if still bearing in his face the unmistakable signs of his origin; but erect, black-bearded, clad in the flowing

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