suitors as a body is Achaioi, or else Kephallenes, which we may consider as meaning those Achaioi who inhabited the dominions of Odysseus. The Achaian name is indeed applied more loosely to the Ithacan population, as it is in the case of the Greek army at large, by derivation from the primary sense, which attaches it to the nobles (Od. i. 272, ii. 7). Such be from the island (425-37). Medon, the herald, then warns the concourse that he has seen a divinity giving countenance to the great retribution (442-9); and Halitherses, an old friend of the long-absent chieftain, hereupon takes courage, not to assail or resist Eupeithes, but only to declare that he abstains from following him (462). But more than half of the assembly start up with shouts, and follow Eupeithesing the general employment of the Achato battle (463-6). Then follows, under the auspices of Athenē, his own death, and the defeat and rout of his party; the havoc made by Odysseus being finally arrested by the intervention of Zeus, who brings about an accommodation. But, all the way through, the numbers in active partisanship are entirely with the party of the suitors, and that portion of the Ithacan Assembly which had not favored them remains neutral. We have here a spectacle very different from that presented by an homogeneous sovereignty. Odysseus and his friends everywhere appear with the signs of a minnrity upon them. It is with an evident consciousness of this state of facts that Halitherses addresses the Assembly, and describes the failure of the attempts which he and Mentor, friends of the absent chief, had been used to make towards stirring up the Ithacan people, not to uphold the rights of the absent lord, but to curb the insolence and arrest the misdeeds of the suitors (456). Let us now consider what further light can be thrown upon the subject by the race-nomenclature employed during the transactions. Eupeithes, as we have seen, fears that Odysseus may escape from the island. But where is it that he is deemed likely to seek refuge or aid against the Ithacans? Not in his own dominions; but among the Pylians, or in Elis (430, 1). Now both these countries were under dynasties which bear signs of Phoenician extraction. Nestor was descended through Neleus from Poseidon (Od. xi. 254), a sure Phonician mark. Elis had been ruled by Augeias (Il. xi. 701), and one of his descendants commanded part of the Elian or Epeian contingent before Troy (Il. ii. 624). But Augeias is one of the group of persons who bear the peculiar title of anax andron in the poems, and I regard this title again as a certain mark of Phoenician relations.* The name ordinarily attaching to the *Juventus Mundi, p. 171. But I should now state more pointedly the Phoenician relation. ian name, it is obviously significant that Again. The popular religion of the island agrees with the idea that it was not yet fully Hellenized. It seems to bear traces, possibly of an old nature. worship prevailing in the country, but unquestionably of Phoenician importations. The great day of the trial of the bow was a religious festival of the people (xx. 156, xxi. 258). That Apollo is concerned in it appears in more ways than one. Antinoos the suitor, in order to succeed in handling the bow, deigns to sacrifice some picked cians might bring with them a solar tradition; but that, if they did, it would then coincide with the religious system already established in the island. cave sacred to the nymphs near the landing-place where Odysseus had been deposited (xiii. 103, 347); and there the chieftain had in other days habitually worshipped them (349). As we shall presently see, this landing-place had evidently been named by the Phoenicians (inf., p. 8). This tends to show that the worship had a Phoenician character. Again, these Ithacan nymphs are water nymphs, neiades (xiii. 104, et alibi) and krēnaiai (xvii. 240). Now Kirke is a personage altogether Phoe nician; and her four servants (x. 348–51) are born of the fountains, groves (the grove being, I conceive, a clump of trees with a fountain), and consecrated rivers. It is right also to observe that nymphs were worshipped in Trinacrie, the island of the sun, which again gives them an Eastern or Phoenician character. goats to Apollo the bow-famous (kluto- | tively in Pausanias,* tends in some de toxos, xxi. 265-7). Yet it is not the feast gree to instil the idea that this worship of Apollo but the feast of "the god" (258). was indigenous. Not but that PhoeniThis is quite intelligible if in the religion of the island the name and attributes of Apollo were gradually attracting and absorbing an older sun-worship; and it is difficult to find any other explanation. So again with regard to the nymphs. If the sun was worshipped there, he was They were, in Ithaca, the objects of an habprobably worshipped as the supreme itual popular worship. Near the city were local god. And there is a remarkable their grove and fountain, constructed by passage which indicates that Apollo was the eponymist Ithakos and his brothers; taking over the sun's prerogative, and from hence the town was supplied with was regarded as the local providence or water; and here was their altar on which synonym for deity, a character quite in- passers-by were wont to make their offerconsistent with his position in the Olym-ings (xvii. 304-11). There was, again, a pian court and family. In xix. 86, Odysseus says that by the favor of Apollo his son has arrived at man's estate. Now this divine action in the rearing of Telemachos has no relation to any of the special or Olympian functions of Apollo. He appears here in the place of Zeus, or Theos, to whom the general care of men and their affairs is commonly assigned. How comes Apollo to hold such a place? It is only possible, so far as I can see, through his relation to the sun, whose properties as the local god are made over to him for Olympian purposes. That is to say, the Homeric plan of absorbing the local cults in a central scheme requires him to make provision for the maintenance of the existing religious traditions without a serious breach of continuity. It is obviously Apollo that, in the Olympian scheme, becomes the representative of the Helios of the old nature cult. But in that cult, or in many forms of it, Helios was supreme, while Apollo is of necessity subordinate in the Olympian court. The very curious peculiarity of the Ithacan religion exhibited in the Odyssey is that we seem to see the process of transference actually at work. A certain degree of obscurity, and even of inconsistency, are the necessary result; for the poet has to consider on the one hand the demands of his great Olympian invention, on the other the necessity of keeping terms with the popular religion. It is probably by a derivation from that religion that Apollo stands as the rearer of Telemachos. They acquire that character yet more decidedly from association with Hermes. The hill of Hermes rises over the city (xvi. 470). In his banquet on the slaughtered pig, the pious Eumaios gives one of the seven portions, which he had cut up, to the nymphs and Hermes (xiv. 435). Hermes is the son of Maias; and Maias or Maia, although Homer supplies no direct evidence as to her extraction, is by all other Greek tradition placed within the Phoenician circle. Further, in Scherie Hermes is marked as the deity to whom the evening libation was offered before going to rest (vii. 136-8); and Scherie, while it is the borderland between the two geographical zones, is clearly Phoenician, and apparently has Poseidon for its presiding deity (vi. 266). It may be the Phoenician character of Hermes which causes him wholly to displace Iris in the Odyssey from her office as messenger, she being a personage Whether this sun-worship in Ithaca was an indigenous cult, or a Phoenician importation, I do not find material sufficient absolutely to decide. I will only say that the prevalence of Apollo-worship beyond that of any other deity, as testified by the number of temples and sacred Apollo, as I reckon, has one hundred and six, places dedicated to each of them respec- Zeus has only seventy-seven. of swine, and the consumption of them as food, become the most prominent feature of the food supply, especially for a certain class of the population, the distinction probably having regard to a difference of race or of station, or both. In Od. ii. 296-300, Telemachos finds the suitors about to feast on goats and swine; there is no mention of beef or mutton. In Od. xiv. 5-23, we have an elaborate description of the sties or pens, in which Eumaios kept no fewer than six hundred sows with three hundred and sixty fat hogs, seemingly for the daily consumption of the suitors throughout the year. wholly Hellenic and probably indigenous | extraction. When we come into Ithaca, to the brain of Homer. Again, it must we lose sight of this divinity; and it be on account of this Phoenician color is not too much to say that the rearing that he appears, instead of Athene, as the guide and guardian of Odysseus in the Eastern, that is to say the Phoenician, region. Once more; he seems to be in general communication with Kalypso, an entirely Phoenician personage (Od. xii. 390). His office as conductor of the dead cannot be discussed here, but it supplies additional evidence in the same direction. Having thus far touched upon the ethnographical and religious aspects of the case, I now come to the seemingly insig. nificant or uninviting article of diet. And I do not hesitate to lay it down that in Homer the use of the pork diet is perceptibly a mark of what I should term Phonicianism, that is to say of south-Eastern extraction or affinities. I have found it extremely difficult to obtain adequate lights upon this subject from ordinary modern sources, and have applied to the most learned of my friends for aid without any beneficial result. But I will now simply endeavor, in the first place, to give a view of the direct and as I think curious evidence on the subject, which is derivable from the text of Homer. Eumaios however selects two young porkers to entertain Odysseus, (xiv.` 73), the fat hogs being reserved (81) for the table of their betters. At the banquet for the suitors in the palace (xvii. 180-2) the four kinds of flesh meat are mentioned together. The same enumeration reappears in Od. xx. 250, I. Earlier in the book we learn whence the banquet was provided. Eumaios drives down for it no fewer than three of the best fatted hogs. And Philoitios, the cowherd, brings a barren cow together with fat goats; all these not of Ithaca, but carried over from Cefalonia by the aid of the ferry (162, 3, 185-8). Thus pork was a chief article in the die reared in the island. But as in the case of Eumaios, so again when we have to deal with the household of Laertes, Odysseus invites them to a meal on a selected porker (xxiv. 215).* It is worth while to note in passing the use which Kirkē, a member of the Phoenician circle, makes of her magical powers on the crew of Odysseus. They find her surrounded with wolves and lions (x. 212), but them she transforms into hogs (239). As respects the Ithacan narrative, especially when we read it in the light cast on it by what happened in Scherie, the prominence given to the hog, and to his place in the dietary, seems evidently to point to a Phoenician relationship. Although an army encamped in a foreign land cannot afford to be particular as to food, we only once (ix. 208) hear of pork in the Iliad as an article of diet. In the Odyssey, the all-devouring cannibal-tary of the higher class, and was specially ism of the Cyclop throws no light upon the subject. But in the orderly household of Alkinoos, the king of Scheriē, pork is not the exclusive, yet it is the special, food at his banquets; and supplies the chosen portion which is given to the guest Odysseus, part whereof is by him presented to the minstrel. The menu of this feast in Scherie is given us in Od. viii. 59, 60. Alkinoos sacrificed twelve sheep, eight hogs, and two oxen; and the selection of the chine of hog's flesh as the note of honor for the guest is remarkable. When he is about to depart, Alkinoos sacrifices an ox (Od. xiii. 24) to Zeus of the dark cloud who is lord of all; for Poseidon was the implacable foe of the hero. From the Cyclopian land the ox wholly disappears; only goats and sheep are heard of. Kirke stocks the ship of Odysseus exclusively with mutton (x. 572, xi. 4). In the Pylian feasts of Nestor the ox alone appears; but the ox is the only animal mentioned in Homer as offered to Poseidon; and Nestor, though his family is Hellenized by tract of time, is of Poseidonian, that is of Phoenician, Although recent study has not, so far as I am aware, thrown any light upon this subject, yet older scholars have carefully collected the testimonies of the ancients which bear upon it, except indeed that I have found no notice of the evidence supplied by the text of Homer. Spencer, (De Legibus Hebræorum, pp. 131-8) and This is however sus, not sialos. as foul-feeders, and the carefully tended and regularly fattened hogs, such as those which Eumaios reared for the banquets of the local aristocracy. Bochart (Hierozoicon, b. ii., c. 57) have examined the matter in connection with the remarkable prohibitions and denunciations contained in the Old Testament, where the consumption of swine's flesh is treated as a very grave offence. Inquiring into the reason of these provisions, and the possibility of attraction or repulsion between the Jewish rule and the practice of other nations, they have gathered a mass of evidence, which at first sight is by no means harmonious. As to the Phoenicians proper, for example, there seems to be a direct contradiction between Herodian and Lampridius, of whom (ibid., col. 703) the first declares that their law prohibited the use of pork, while the second treats it as a main article of their diet, so that Bochart, in his despair, has to ap-idea of settlement. But then the same pend the words, quæ quomodo concilientur fateor me non videre satis. There are, however, various signs of what may be called Phoenicianism in Ithaca besides those of race, religion, and dietary. The port of Phorkus is one among them. There the Phaiakian crew, who are Phoenician all over, deposit the sleeping hero. Thoösa, the mother of Polyphemos, is also the daughter of Phorkus; which at once establishes the connection. It may be said with truth, that the curiously landlocked character of this Ithacan harbor marked it out as an excellent place of shelter for the large sea-going ships of the Phoenicians, apart from any to load his vessel in return. Hence, probably, the easy supply of domestic slaves, such as Eurukleia and Eumaios, dropped by the passing vessels. thing, the formation of the harbor, pointed it out as convenient also for settlement. Professor Sayce* has kindly given me And the island appears to have been a the benefit of his comprehensive acquaint- house of call for the Phoenician mariners. ance with the Egyptian monuments and Hence it is natural for the Taphian Mentes the Assyrian and Accadian discoveries. to appear there, although Ithaca yielded The old Accadian God Uras, the messen- neither of the commodities which he was ger of Mul-Lib, the god of "the ghost dealing in; neither the grey iron that he world," is called "the lord of the swine." "carried with him, nor the copper that was It is interesting in connection with this to observe that Eumaios offers swine's flesh to Hermes, whose association with the under world is so close. Again, a herd of swine, tended by a slave, appears in a Mentes himself was lord of the Taphiwall-painting at Thebes, contemporary ans, who are believed to be a seafaring with the eighteenth or nineteenth dynasty. race inhabiting Cyprus, and Phoenician This is not the place to examine the by extraction. Now he had an ancient effect of the evidence as a whole. It is bond of hospitality with the Arkeisian scanty for the time called pre-historic, and family. On arriving, he bids Telemachos it is not easy to reduce to harmony. The refer to his grandfather Laertes to attest testimony of Herodotos records chiefly it, and says it had subsisted (ex arches) prohibitions and restraints which them from the beginning (i. 187, 8). What was selves appear to witness to a practice, but this arche? Could it be anything else to one that it was found needful to re- than the first settlement of the family in strain. The evidence supplied by the Ithaca? And if they were immigrants Homeric text, however, is clear as far as they were probably Phoenician immiit goes; and it goes to the point of estab-grants. There are marks of recency in lishing a special relation between the Phoenician element in the population and the use of pork in the Greek peninsula as an important article of food. Present discrepancies may perhaps be reconciled by prospective additions to the stock of knowledge. Varieties of condition in life, as well as of race, probably have had to do with them. And it seems just possible also that some of the Gentile prohibitions or abstentions may have had a relation to the distinction between swine self-reared, And Mr. R. Brown, of Barton-on-Humber, has been so good as to enlarge for me the references collected by the older scholars, with material which tends to confirm the "Phoenicianism" of pork diet. the settlement of the island itself, because Ithakos, its eponymist, and Neritos, eponymist of its chief mountain, were brothers of Poluctor, and Peisandros the suitor is called Poluctorides; and except in the case of Priam who is called Dardanides I do not recollect a case in Homer of a patronymic which goes beyond the second generation. Again, we find in Ithaca, and nowhere else in the poems, a person named Aiguptios. He is a person of consideration, for (Od. iv. 15, 25) he takes a leading part in the Assembly. Such a name could hardly have been given except to a person of Egyptian extraction. He seems to have no relation with the Achaioi, and like | brilliancy, though we have no particulars and Menelaos had travelled in the whole somewhat deeply in the fundamental ideas Let me here notice that I do not find in Ithaca all the notes of Phoenicianism. The main exceptions (besides the absence of the Poseidon worship) are (1) the horse, and (2) the use of drugs. But, as the Phoenician name embraces all importations over sea, and thus includes several countries, we need not be surprised if in Ithaca, as well as in the more markedly Phoenician Scherie, we do not find the horse. In Ithaca there is the additional reason that the contour of the country was not suited to horse-rearing (Od. iv. 605). With regard to drugs, it is to be observed that the pharmakon is an Egyptian prod- I will now pass on from the consideruct (iv. 227–32), and also that Odysseus ation of particular signs, and inquire ́ personally had to do with their use, as he whether the Phoenicianism, of which it made a journey for the purpose of procur- may be hoped that sufficient indications ing them (Od. i. 257-64). The signs of have now been furnished, may not be rePhoenicianism in Ithaca are indeed gener-ferred to a source or cause grounded ally connected rather with the navigating and building race, than with Egypt, the case of the individual Aiguptios being so far an exception. And as to building, the Phoenician indications are clear. Homer has three epithets applicable in particular to his fabrics of stone: rutos, signifying stone which is hauled, therefore large and massive; catoruches, for stone quarried, and restos, for stone smoothed or hewn.* Wherever we find these, or any of them, it is a Phoenician indication, sometimes through Poseidon or Hephaistos, sometimes directly, as in the Posideion of Scherie (vi. 287), or in the pen built by the Cyclop (ix. 185). In the case of the wall of Troy, the description is more general; it is thick, strong, and of fine workmanship (Il. xxi. 446, 7). This note Odysseus had merits, and also defects, we have again in the hog pen built by that we do not find in Achilles. He was Eumaios. It was large, lofty, beautiful, a consummate artificer and ploughman, and built of hauled stones. and was accomplished in all house-service We do not find, except in Priam's palace | (Od. xv. 319–24). On the other hand, his of hewn stone (Il. vi. 243, 4), any similar intense curiosity more than once led him description of human dwellings. Their ornamentation was, as it would appear, metallic and interior; and the poet probably chose this illustration for his palaces, as being far more imposing for his hearers than the mere note of stone-building would have been. He calls the palace of Alkinoos like in radiance to the sun or moon; from the plates of copper, probably fastened upon wood, with which it was constructed. So the palace of Menelaos is divine (theios), and lofty, with the same * Also pukinos, solid, in a simile, Il. xvi. 212. LIVING AGE. VOL. LXVII. 3467 The primary feature in the characters of the two Homeric protagonists respectively is, that Achilles is colossal, Odysseus many-sided. The respective ideas are worked out with a marvellous fidelity. In the higher region, as warriors and statesmen, the two are harmonious; each excels in strength, courage, eloquence, affection, political genius. Achilles conquers everybody; Odysseus is never conquered. into rashness, even against the remon- There are notes of special likeness |